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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  NEW  GRANADA 

BEING  THE  LIFE  OF 
GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 


86^3 


From  Hkrrkra'.s  ''Historia  nt  las  Ixdias." 


THE  CONQUEST  OF 
NEW    GRANADA 

BEING    THE    LIFE    OF 
GONZALO  JIMENEZ   DE  QUESADA 


BY 

R.    B.    CUNNINGHAME    GRAHAM 


*'  Climas  pase,  mude  constelaciones  golfos  innavegables  navegando." 

Alonso  de  Ercilla:  La  Araucana. 


4  5  inn 

BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON    MIFFLIN    COMPANY 

1922 


Printed  in  Great  Britain 


■L  Z  72' 

J  ■■■■z-i 


•&. 


'M- 1' 


A 

DON    GUILLERMO    VALENCIA 

EXCELSO   POETA 
ORADOR   ARMONIOSO    E   IRRESISTIBLE 


HONRA   DE   LAS    LETRAS   ESPANOLAS 
EN   AMERICA 


Sketch  Map  of  Ouesada's  Expedition. 


PREFACE 

The  names  both  of  Pizarro  and  Cortes  are  household 
words.  The  conquests  of  Peru  and  Mexico  are  known  to 
everyone. 

The  Aztec  and  the  Inca  empires  are  generally  assumed 
to  have  been  the  only  two  states  in  the  Indies  the  con- 
querors found,  that  were  well  organized,  and  had  evolved, 
or  were  evolving,  a  civilized  society.  The  story  of  their 
conquest  reads  like  a  fairy-tale,  and  Pizarro  and  Cortes 
are  taken  as  the  archetypes  of  the  conquerors.  The  history 
of  the  conquest  of  New  Granada — that  is,  Colombia — has 
passed  almost  unnoticed  as  far  as  English  letters  are  con- 
cerned. Quesada's  name  is  fallen  into  oblivion,  even  in 
Spain  itself. 

Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada  was  as  great  as  were  Pizarro 
or  Cortes,  confronted  equal  perils  and  endured  far  greatei 
hardships,  conquering  an  empire  just  as  interesting  as  was 
Peru  or  Mexico,  far  more  remote  and  inaccessible.  Pizarro 
and  Cortes  knew  more  or  less  where  they  were  going  to; 
Quesada  fell  upon  his  conquest  by  accident,  just  as  a 
chance  stroke  with  a  pick  sometimes  reveals  a  rich  lode  in 
a  mine. 

There  has  been  but  one  real  conquest  worthy  of  the  name — 
that  of  the  New  World.  The  human  race  in  all  its  annals 
holds  no  record  like  it.  Uncharted  seas,  unnavigated  gulfs; 
new  constellations,  the  unfathomable  black  pit  of  the 
Magellan  clouds ;  the  Cross  hung  in  the  sky ;  the  very  needle 
varying  from  the  pole;  islands  innumerable  and  an  un- 
known world  rising  from  out  the  sea;  all  unsuspected  races 
living  in  a  flora  never  seen  by  Europeans,  made  it  an 
achievement  unique  in  all  the  history  of  mankind. 


viii  PREFACE 

Tliis  was  a  conquest  worthy  of  a  race  of  heroes,  nor  were 
thr  men  wlio  undertook  it.  vanquishinpf  difficulties  rendered 
more  arduous  by  the  element  of  the  unknown,  in  the  main 
unworthy  of  their  task.  Cruel,  no  doubt,  they  were;  but 
vet  not  all  of  them— witness  the  names  of  Alvar  Nufiez, 
Balboa,  and  of  him  I  am  to  write  about.  Cruel,  perhaps; 
but  who  are  we  to  cast  a  stone  at  them  ?  Steadfast, 
rndurinp.  patient  in  hardships  to  an  incredible  degree, 
lesourceful,  valiant,  loyal  to  their  King  and  country  to  a 
fault,  they  had  the  virtues  and  the  vices  of  "  conquista- 
tlores."  Money  they  loved;  but  they  loved  glory  more. 
Through  ;iJI  their  actions  ran  a  vein  of  true  nobility. 

It  was  no  craven  spirit  that  impelled  Cortes  to  bum  his 
ships. 

When,  in  the  Isle  of  Tumbez,  Pizarro  and  his  thirteen 
companions  waited  alone  for  reinforcements  from  Panama, 
preferring  death  to  giving  up  their  enterprise,  knowing  there 
was  a  populous  empire  to  confront,  even  when  the  scanty 
help  they  could  expect  arrived,  fear  was  a  word  beyond 
their  comprehension. 

So  of  all  of  them.  In  the  dank  everglades  upon  the 
Magdalena,  when  racked  with  fever,  starving,  and  exposed 
to  ceaseless  and  unseen  attacks;  with  poisoned  arrows  rained 
upon  them  from  the  thickets  killing  the  soldiers  and  the 
precious  horses— for  after  God,  as  say  the  chroniclers,  they 
owed  the  victory  to  the  horses — Quesada  never  faltered  for 
an  hour. 

The  conquerors  plundered,  and  they  slew,  all  in  God's 
name,  holding,  just  as  we  do  ourselves,  that  they  were 
chosen  to  bring  light  into  the  darkest  places  of  the  world. 

In  all  the  chronicles  of  this  great  adventure,  no  name 
stands  higher  than  Quesada's  for  pmdence,  valour,  and, 
on  the  whole,  for  his  good  treatment  of  the  Indians. 

Pizarro  and  Cortes  had  wider  theatres  and  a  better  press 
in  Spain,  for  they  brought  gold,  and  were  received  as  only 
thtisc  who  bring  gold  with  them  ever  are  received. 

Oucsada  only  brought  renown,  a  history  of  marvellous 
adventures,  an  account  of  perhaps  the  strangest  meetinc^ 


prefa6e  ix 

in  the  Colombian  uplands  on  the  wind-swept  plains  of 
Bogota,  of  three  brave  captains,  fate-led  and  brought 
together  by  the  invisible  loadstone  of  chance,  that  the 
world  ever  saw. 

He  brought  the  tidings  of  an  unknown  empire,  rich  both 
in  interest  and  antiquity,  having  its  calendar,  its  own 
theology,  traditions  of  the  creation  of  mankind  almost  as 
reasonable  as  our  own,  and,  lastly,  a  system  of  society 
adequate  to  its  needs,  almost  Arcadian  in  its  simplicity. 
It  may  be  that  the  years  I  have  spent  with  the  descendants 
of  the  conquerors  have  fitted  me  in  some  degree  to  writ 
the  life  of  one  of  them,  to  whom  scant  justice  has  beeu 
done. 

The  music  of  the  wind  in  the  dried  grasses  of  the  Southern 
Pampa,  the  icy  nights  upon  the  frosty  sierras,  dank  trailv 
in  Paraguay  and  in  Colombia  through  the  impenetrable 
forests,  where  lianas  whip  you  as  sharply  when  you  pas 
as  does  a  sheet  torn  from  your  hands  at  sea,  and  humming 
birds  flit  jewelled  in  topaz  and  in   amethyst   across  th* 
clearings — all  these,  and  the  long  days  behind  the  cattl*^, 
on  a  tired  horse  with  heels  a-jogging  ceaselessly  against  h' 
sides,  the  ache   between  the  shoulders   growing  intolerabl. 
as  the  slow  hours  move  on,  may  serve  as  links  between  me 
and  the  man  of  whom  I  write. 

Those  weary  hours  were  the  true  sauce  to  the  hospitality 
of  the  straw  rancho,  camp-fire  beside  the  stream,  or  of  the 
white  hacienda,  buried  in  its  grove  of  peach-trees,  when  the 
day  was  done,  for  hunger  is  as  old  as  is  the  world. 

For  all  his  perils,  his  adventures,  for  the  great  empire 
that  he  conquered  with  such  scant  resources,  Quesada  had 
the  usual  guerdon  of  the  conqueror  from  the  Court  of 
Spain,  ingratitude  and  base  neglect  of  his  past  services. 
That  it  was  usual,  witness  the  chains  Columbus  ever  carried 
with  him — for  remembrance;  the  lonely  deathplace  of  Cortes 
in  Castillejos  de  la  Cuesta  and  the  adobe  building  near  the 
sulphur  springs  hard  by  Tocaima  where  Quesada,  himself  a 
leper,  by  his  last  testament  left  a  jar  of  water  always  to  be 
kept  for  travellers  on  the  road.    Yet,  if  the  conquistadores 


X  PREFACE 

were  men  of  blood  and  iron,  careless  of  life  and  suffering, 
and  mostly  dying  cither  by  violence  or  broken-hearted  by 
the  ingratitude  of  those  they  served,  the  Indians  owed  them 
little,  either  in  valour  or  in  the  fortitude  with  which  they 
met  their  fate. 

Their  chieftains,  treated  as  gods,  borne  on  the  shoulders 
of  their  subjects,  refined,  intelligent,  and  far  more  reason- 
able in  controversy  than  were  their  conquerors — boldly  met 
the  onslaught  of  a  race  of  men  who  fell  upon  them,  as 
it  were,  from  the  skies — a  race  of  beings  sheathed  in  steel, 
riding  on  animals  that  seemed  a  part  of  them,  who  breathed 
out  fire,  as  the  Indians  thought,  taking  the  harquebus  as 
in  some  way  connected  with  the  horse.  With  their  poor 
arms  and  quilted  cotton  doublets,  their  poisoned  arrows 
and  their  fire-hardened  spears,  they  faced  those  "  children 
of  the  sun,"  dying  in  heaps,  just  as  Leonidas  and  his  three 
hundred  Spartans  died  for  their  fatherland. 

No  chronicler  has  preserved  the  fame  of  their  heroic 
deeds;  yet  still  the  conquerors,  here  and  there,  when  they 
were  soldiers  who  had  taken  up  the  pen  after  the  sword 
had  grown  too  heavy  for  their  hands,  now  and  then  have 
done  them  scanty  justice,  calling  them  "  valiant  Indians," 
just  as  a  man  may  pat  his  bull-dog  on  the  head  when  it 
has  battled  valiantly. 

Wrapping  themselves  in  the  stoicism  of  their  race,  no 
men  have  died  more  bravely  than  did  their  chieftains  and 
their  kings.  Guatimozin  upon  the  bed  of  coals,  in  Mexico, 
when  he  reproached  his  followers'  groans,  saying,  "  Am  I 
upon  a  bed  of  roses  ?"  the  Inca  Atalhualpa,  strangled  and 
betrayed,  and  the  last  King  of  Bogota,  tortured  inhumanly, 
the  blot  upon  Quesada's  name  that  he  paid  for  so  bitterly 
in  after-years,  in  money  and  in  pangs  of  conscience,  died  like 
the  martyrs  that  they  were,  showing  themselves  the  con- 
querors* equals,  both  in  high  feeling  and  in  contempt  of 
death. 

A  wondrous  adventure  it  was  most  certainly,  calling 
forth  all  that  was  best  and  worst,  both  in  the  victors  and 
the   vanquislied.     No   man  that  is  a  man  can  read  the 


PREFACE  xi 

history  of  the  Spanish  conquest  of  the  New  World  unmoved. 
Of  all  the  stirring  episodes  of  the  strange  epic,  there  is  none 
stranger  than  Quesada's  life.  He  and  the  conquest  are  so 
bound  up  together,  that  to  write  either  of  them  is  to  write 
the  other.  He  was  the  conquest,  and  the  conquest  both 
made  and  marred  him;  but  still  left  his  name  one  of  the 
first  in  all  its  chronicles.  As  a  conquistador  he  is  the  equal 
of  Pizarro  and  Cortes,  and  far  less  bloodthirsty  than  was 
either  of  them.  His  one  lapse  was  remembered  and  is 
recorded  to  his  shame,  for  he  brought  little  treasure  with 
him  on  his  return  to  Spain.  Theirs  were  washed  out  in 
gold. 

If  there  is  justice  anywhere  on  earth,  in  heaven,  or  in  the 
waters  underneath  the  earth  (those  of  oblivion),  surely  the 
errors  of  his  youth  must  be  wiped  out  by  the  achievements 
and  the  sufferings  of  his  eighty  years  of  conquest  and  of 
strife. 

R.  B.  CUNNINGHAME  GRAHAM. 


Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada 


CHAPTER  I 

Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada  was  born  either  in  Cordoba 
or  in  Granada,  in  or  about  the  year  1506. 

Fray  Pedro  Simon/  the  most  complete  authority  upon 
the  conquest  of  New  Granada,  says:  "Gonzalo  Jimenez  de 
Quesada  was  a  native  of  the  city  of  Cordoba.  He  was  no 
degenerate  descendant  of  his  country  in  letters  and  in  valour, 
for  it  appears  that,  in  him,  Mars  and  Minerva  were  joined 
in  a  close  friendship,  a  juncture  that  is  seldom  found.^  His 
father  was  El  Licenciado  Jimenez,  a  lawyer,  and  his  mother 
Isabel  de  Quesada,  both  of  noble  blood,  and  natives  of  the 
same  city.  He  was  brought  up  in  the  district  (Coleccion) 
de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Fuen  Santa,  until  his  parents 
removed  to  the  illustrious  city  of  Granada." 

There  he  remained  ten  or  twelve  years.  His  father 
practised  as  an  advocate,  and  this  inclined  Gonzalo  to  the 
same  career.  He  lived  there  till  the  year  1535,  and  had 
become  "  consummate  in  grammar  and  in  the  law,  in  which 
he  graduated,  and  began  to  practise  in  the  same  court^ 
as  his  father,"  for  several  years. ^ 

^  "  Noticias  Historiales  de  las  Conquistas  de  Tierra  Firme  en  las 
Indias  Occidentales,"  por  Fray  Pedro  Simon,  del  Orden  de  San 
Francisco,  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada.  Bogota,  1882.  The 
original  edition  was  printed  in  Spain  at  Cuenca,  in  the  year  1627. 
Only  the  first  volume  was  issued,  and  thus  the  first  complete  edition 
is  that  of  Bogota. 

2  "  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada,  natural  de  la  ciudad  de  Cordoba, 
que  no  degeneraba  de  los  demas  hijos  de  su  patria  en  letras  y  valentia, 
pues  parece  que  se  juntaron  en  el  con  amistad  estrecha,  Marte  y 
Minerva,  junta  que  raras  veces  se  halla."  Cap.  IX.,  Segunda 
Parte,  p.  32. 

3  La  Cancilleria  Real. 

*  Fray  Simon,  "  Noticias  Historiales." 

I 


2  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Other  authorities,  as  Oviedo/  Picdrahita,  and  Castellanos, 
state  that  he  was  born  in  Granada,  whilst  Ocariz,^  again,  sides 
with  Fray  Simon  and  gives  Cordoba  as  his  birthplace. 

The  matter  is  of  slight  importance.  The  two  old  Moorish 
towns  are  not  far  distant  from  each  other,  and  whether 
Ouesada  first  saw  the  light  in  Cordoba  or  no,  it  is  certain 
that  his  youth  was  spent  in  the  city  of  the  pomegranate,  set 
on  its  tawny  hills.  As  he  was  born  in  1506,  or  at  the  earliest 
in  1505,  he  must  have  grown  up  amongst  the  Moriscos,  and 
probably  spoke  a  little  Arabic,  for  the  Moriscos  formed  at 
least  three-quarters  of  the  population  of  the  town.  One 
thing  is  certain,  that,  though  a  lawyer  himself,  he  must 
have  passed  much  of  his  youth  with  men  accustomed  to  the 
use  of  arms.  Many  of  the  old  soldiers  of  the  Catholic  kings 
had  settled  in  Granada,  revolts  were  frequent  amongst 
the  conquered  race,  and  there  Ouesada,  although  an 
accomplished  grammarian,^  must  have  learned  the  horse- 
manship and  the  dexterity  in  arms  that,  in  his  future  life 
of  action,  stood  him  in  good  stead. 

No  better  cradle  for  an  adventurous  youth  could  have 
been  found  than  the  Granada  of  those  days.  The  Alhambra 
still  retained  its  Moorish  impress;  the  clinging  scent  of  atar 
and  of  spices  that  strikes  all  those  who  enter  any  house  in 
Northern  Africa,  could  scarcely  have  evaporated.  The  palm- 
trees  that  the  Moors  had  planted  could  not  all  have  been  cut 
down.  The  baths,  of  course,  had  gone,  for  they  were  ana- 
thema to  all  good  Churchmen,  unable  to  divorce  hygiene  from 
immorality  and  sloth.  A  rough  trail  paved  with  cobbles. 
La  Calle  de  los  Gomeles,  led  up  to  the  great  horseshoe  arch- 
way of  the  Pomegranates  and  to  the  Gate  of  Justice.  Great 
rocks  most  probably  stuck  up  through  the  surface  of  the 
track,  just  as  they  do  to-day  in  paths  that  lead  to  mountain 
Kasbahs  in  North  Africa.  The  palace  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  was  slowly  rising,  a  monument  of  artistic  vandalism, 

•  "Historia  Natural  de  las  Indias,"  por  el  Capitan  Gonzalo 
Fernandez  de  Oviedo. 

•  "  Genealogias  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,"  por  Juan  Flores  de 
Ocariz.     (Madrid,  1674. ) 

•  Consumado  en  la  trramatica. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  3 

It  seems  an  architectural  palimpsest,  superimposed  on 
a  foundation  even  finer  than  its  own.  The  Moorish  town 
lay  out  below  the  walls,  its  houses  small  and  flat-roofed 
(as  Navagiero,  the  Venetian  envoy,  tells  us),  buried  in  fig- 
trees;  each  house  a  microcosm  of  Islam,  shut  to  the  outside 
by  walls  with  little  slits  for  windows,  and  inside  rich  with 
coloured  carpets;  hung  with  brass  lamps  if  the  owner  were 
a  wealthy  man,  or  bare,  clean,  and  austere  if  he  were  poor; 
but,  in  both  cases,  hermetically  sealed  against  the  world. 
In  such  surroundings  Gonzalo  must  have  felt  himself  always 
in  presence  of  the  enemy:  an  enemy  that  did  not  attack, 
but  still  was  there,  hostile  and  unappeasable,  keeping  the 
Christian  ever  on  the  watch. 

As  he  strayed  up  and  down  the  stony  and  steep  paths 
that  led  from  the  Alhambra  to  the  banks  of  the  Genii  and 
Darro,  in  whose  sands  probably  people  searched  for  the 
minutest  particles  of  gold  as  they  still  do  to-day,  he  must 
have  had  a  sense  of  always  being  spied  upon  by  eyes,  in- 
visible, but  subtly  felt  by  those  they  spied  upon. 

No  cactus  thickets^  could  have  crowned  the  rocks  above 
the  Moorish  suburb  of  the  Albaicin,  that  refuge  of  the  people 
of  Baeza,^  after  it  was  lost.  Amongst  its  narrow  streets 
and  tortuous  lanes,  he  probably  would  never  have  been 
allowed  to  penetrate  alone,  for  danger  lurked  in  them  to 
any  unprotected  Spaniard  in  those  early  days.  Still  he 
must  have  looked  down  upon  the  little  stronghold  of  the 
enemy  of  race  and  faith,  from  the  mirador  that  rises  above 
Lindaraja's  garden,  or,  seated  on  the  walls,  felt  that  there 
was  something  there  to  conquer  and  subdue.  The  palaces 
both  of  the  Generalife  and  the  Alizares  must  have  been 
intact.  Nothing  was  wanting  to  stir  his  imagination  as  he 
looked  out  across   the    Vega,  towards   La  Zubia  with  its 

*  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  the  cactus,  that  has  an  air  in  Spain, 
in  Sicily,  and  in  Morocco  of  being  indigenous,  is  really  an  American 
plant  and  could  hardly  have  been  naturalized  at  the  time  of  which 
I  write. 

2  El  Baezi,  a  man  from  Baeza.  This  became  the  name  of  the 
suburb,  and  has  been  but  little  corrupted  in  its  transition  from 
Arabic  to  Spanish. 


4  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

gigantic  laurel,  under  whose  shade  the  Catholic  Queen  and 
th(;  ladies  of  the  Court  were  glad  to  hide,  when  a  sudden 
razzia  of  the  Moors  nearly  surprised  them.  He  knew  the 
white-coned,  solitary  Mulahacen  with  the  red  sunset  falling 
on  tlic  snow;  and  in  the  tawny  glow,  when  yellow  walls, 
red  castles,  green  plain,  and  distant  sierras  blend  into  a  vast, 
but  always  changing  scheme  of  colour,  such  as  no  earthly 
palette  could  ever  have  devised,  he  may  have  dreamed  of 
conquering  another  Mexico.  Throughout  his  studies,  till 
the  time  that  he  emerged  a  full-fledged  advocate,  practising 
in  the  Real  Cancilleria,  he  must  have  often  joined  in  those 
mock  battles  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  "El  Juego  de 
Canas,"  when,  mounted  on  the  Moorish  saddle,^  they  threw 
canes  at  one  another,  in  imitation  of  the  javelins  thrown 
by  the  Arabs  and  the  Moors.  He  must  have  gone  on  many 
a  hunting  expedition  into  the  Alpuj arras,  and  thus  acquired 
his  skill  in  horsemanship  and  arms,  by  practice,  at  first 
hand. 

Whether  he  was  born  in  Cordoba  or  in  Granada,  Quesada 
formed  no  exception  to  the  general  rule  that  all  the  con- 
querors came  from  the  south  of  Spain. 

Pizarro  and  Cortes,  Hernando  de  Soto,  and  Alvar  Nunez 
came  from  Estremadura;  Don  Pedro  de  Mendoza,  the  dis- 
coverer of  the  River  Plate,  from  Guadix,  in  Almeria; 
Sebastian  de  Belalcazar,  from  the  village  of  that  name,  also 
in  Estremadura;  Balboa,  from  the  same  province;  and  so 

1  The  Moorish  saddle  with  the  short  stirrups  and  high  cantle, 
so  often  to  be  seen  represented  on  Talavera  plates  and  bowls,  long 
maintained  its  hold  in  Spain.  Even  so  late  as  1820-23  Blanco 
White,  in  his  "  Letters  from  Spain,"  speaks  of  the  herdsmen  of  his 
native  Andalucia  appearing  almost  "  to  kneel  upon  their  horses' 
backs."  To  ride  in  the  Moorish  saddle  implied  using  the  lance 
overhand,  and  not  under  the  arm,  as  in  the  demipique  saddle  first 
used  by  the  knights.  The  Inca,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  in  his  cele- 
brated "  Comentarios,"  says,  "  mi  tierra  [i.e.,  Peru]  se  gano  d  la  gieta." 
Cervantes  uses  the  phrase,  when  Don  Quixote  meets  the  Discreet 
Gentleman  of  La  Mancha  on  his  handsome  grey  mare,  for  he  says, 
"  el  aderezo  de  la  yegua  era  de  campo  y  de  la  gineta."  To  ride 
well  in  both  saddles  ("  ser  ginete  en  ambas  sillas  ")  was  such  a 
feather  in  a  man's  cap  that  it  was  often  mentioned  in  his  epitaph. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  5 

on  of  the  rest.  The  long,  slow  conquest  of  the  Moors  had 
eventually  pushed  the  more  adventurous  spirits  into  the 
south,  as  the  Moors  sullenly  retreated  into  Africa. 

Thus,  after  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  the  south 
became  the  breeding-place  of  the  conquerors.  Nothing 
more  natural  than  that  men  who  had  heard  their  fathers 
recount  their  prowess  in  the  wars  against  the  infidel, 
should  wish  to  follow  in  their  steps. 

Robertson,  Prescott,  and  other  Protestant  and  English- 
speaking  writers  on  the  Spanish  conquest  of  the  New  World 
have  pandered  both  to  religious  and  to  racial  pride  and 
;  prejudice.  For  them,  all  Spaniards  were  cruel,  blood- 
thirsty, and  treacherous.  This  came  in  some  degree  from 
ignorance  and  more  from  the  atavism  of  the  time  when 
,  Spain  and  England  were  rivals  for  the  dominion  of  the  seas. 

Some  conquerers  were  cruel,  as  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
Valdivia,  and,  to  a  less  degree,  Cortes.  Others,  as  Quesada, 
were,  at  times,  overborne  by  their  followers,  in  whose 
power  they  were,  without  support  from  Spain.  Balboa  and 
Alvar  Nunez  were  tolerant  and  liberal;  but  all  were  men 
deeply  imbued  with  a  stern  faith  in  God  and  in  their  creed. 
This  creed,  to  them,  was  half  religious  and  half  racial;  the 
Cross,  not  a  mere  emblem  of  salvation,  but  a  labarum  that 
each  man  saw  hung  in  the  skies  above  his  head.  Spain 
was  God's  chosen  country ;  the  Spaniards  His  chosen  people ; 
the  town  from  which  the  individual  Spaniard  came  the 
centre  of  the  country ;  and  himself  the  central  figure  in  it — 
for  Spaniards  then,  as  now,  were  the  most  individualistic 
people  on  the  earth.  Thus  fortified,  both  by  religious  and 
by  racial  pride,  holding  their  faith  with  fierce  intensity, 
they  felt  they  had  a  mission  to  fulfil,  laid  on  them  from  on 
high.  Gold  was  not  always  their  chief  aim,  as  Protestant 
historians  aver,  although  they  loved  it,  wading  ankle-deep 
in  blood  in  its  pursuit.  When  all  is  said  and  done,  they 
were  much  like  ourselves,  not  knowing,  and  not  caring 
much  to  know,  where  their  greed  ended  and  their  faith 
began. 

Quesada  probably  throughout  his  youth  heard  constant 


6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

stories  of  the  deeds  of  the  chief  conquerors.  All  through 
his  early  years,  the  world's  map  was  receiving  the  "  augmen- 
tation of  the  Indies,"  and  countries  which  a  year  or  two 
ago  were  being  conquered,  settled,  and  still  more  empires 
were  appearing  on  the  horizon  of  the  conquerors. 

It  must  have  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  as 
if  the  earth  was  daily  growing  larger,  and  as  each  conqueror 
came  back,  with  his  wealth  gained  by  the  sword,  in  a  few 
years,  all  Spain  must  have  shaken  to  the  core;  a  very  fever 
of  adventure  boiled  in  each  Spaniard's  blood.  One  of  the 
writers  of  that  time  says,  "  Even  the  tailors  wanted  to  go 
a-conquering,  and  looking  out  for  mines." 

The  conquests  of  Peru  and  Mexico  had  stimulated  every- 
body's hopes.  The  oft-rep'eated  tales  of  Eldorado  were  in 
all  men's  mouths.  Raleigh  had  sailed  to  find  it,  and 
Orellana  and  the  Pizarros  never  ceased  seeking  for  it.  It 
was  the  ultimate  goal  of  nearly  every  enterprise  in  these 
times,  luring  on  everyone  who  sought  it,  to  ruin  and  defeat. 
No  doubt  Ouesada,  even  at  that  early  date,  had  dreams 
about  it,  dreams  that  in  after  life  were  so  disastrous  to  him. 

His  opportunity  came  to  him,  not  specially  by  any  effort 
of  his  own.  In  the  year  1535  or  1536 — for  once  again  the 
various  authorities  are  all  at  variance — Don  Pedro  Fernandez 
de  Lugo,  Perpetual  Governor^  of  the  Canary  Islands,  was 
named  the  Governor  of  Santa  Marta,  a  city  founded  in 
1525,  that  lacked  advancement,  and  was  in  fact  "  one  of 
the  cities  most  combated  by  evil  fortune  that  was  to  be 
found  in  all  the  Indies."^ 

The  town  was  founded  in  1525  by  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas. 
From  the  first,  ill-luck  attended  it,  and  Bastidas  soon  was 
murdered  by  his  lieutenant,  Juan  de  Villafuerte. 

Situated  nearly  in  latitude  6°  north,  it  stands  at  the 
head  of  an  almost  landlocked  horseshoe  bay.  The  islands 
called    El    Monro  Grande  and  El  Morro  Chico  lie  across 

*  "  Gobernador  perpetuo  ":  "  Noticias  Historiales,"  Fray  Pedro 
Simon,  cap.  xv. 

*  "  Una  de  las  ciudades  mas  combatidas  de  las  que  se  hallo  en 
Jas  Indias  ":   Fray  Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  7 

the  harbour's  mouth  and  form  a  natural  breakwater.  Steep 
cliffs  come  down  close  to  the  water's  edge  on  all  sides  of 
the  bay.  The  town,  fiat-roofed  and  Oriental-looking,  with 
its  domed  churches  rising  from  the  sandy,  ill-kept  streets, 
mere  watercourses  in  the  rainy  season,  has  an  air  of  Magazan, 
of  Azimur,  or  of  Arzila,  or  any  of  the  towns  on  the  Moroccan 
coast.  The  difference  is  that,  whereas  in  Morocco,  only  a 
few  date-palms  stand  up  to  defy  the  sun,  in  Santa  Marta, 
coco-palms,  looking  like  vegetable  ostrich  feathers,  fringe 
all  the  beach,  and  the  fierce-growing  vegetation  almost 
invades  the  town.  The  older  houses  cluster  round  the 
cathedral,  and  some  of  them  have  coats  of  arm.s  above  the 
heavy,  iron-studded  doors.  The  iron  grating  in  front  of 
every  window,  and  the  raised  footpaths,  paved  with  brick, 
all  speak  of  Spain,  and  possibly  some  of  the  older  mansions 
date  from  the  early  times  of  the  first  conquest.  Gradually 
the  town  trails  off  into  a  negro  village,  with  its  bright  hedges 
round  the  shanties,  of  red  and  yellow  crotons,  until  at  last, 
a  sandy  road,  broken  here  and  there  by  clumps  of  cactus 
and  hedged  with  aloes,  runs  into  the  forest.  Beyond  the 
forest,  passing  the  ancient  Spanish  country  house,  with  its 
trim  boxwood  hedges,  fountains,  and  secular  trees  that 
tower  above  the  roof,  where  died  Bolivar,  the  Washington 
of  South  America,^  the  road  gradually  rises  to  three  or  four 
thousand  feet,  and  reaches  a  zone  of  coffee  plantations, 
a  zone  in  which  the  flora  both  of  the  tropics  and  of  Southern 
Europe  flourish  side  by  side.  Twenty  miles  off  the  snow- 
clad  sierra  runs  to  a  height  of  seventeen  thousand  feet, 
and  beyond  the  mountains  lies  the  wild  country  of  the  Valle 
de  Upar,  upon  whose  rivers  still  dwell  tribes  of  Indians, 
never  subdued,  whose  arms  are  poisoned  arrows,  and  who 
are  reported  to  be  cannibals. 

This  range  of  snowy  mountains,  cutting  off  the  coast 
from  the  interior,  was  the  reason  of  the  ill-success  of  the 

1  The  house  is  called  La  Quinta  de  San  Pedro  de  Alejandria, 
and  is  a  resort  of  patriotic  pilgrimage,  and  deservedly  so,  for  Simon 
Bolivar  was  the  greatest  genius  ever  born  either  in  North  or  South 
America. 


8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

colony  of  vSanta  Marta,  for,  as  there  was  no  gold  upon  the 
coast,  the  Indians  all  were  hostile  and  most  warlike,  and 
the  Spaniards  of  those  days  were  not  concerned  with  agri- 
culture, having  left  Spain  to  follow  arms  and  seek  adven- 
tures rather  than  the  plough.  The  newly  founded  settlement 
was  in  the  last  stage  of  decay,  when  Don  Pedro  Fernandez 
de  Lugo  was  appointed  Governor.^  Don  Pedro  must  have 
been  either  a  patriot  or  a  born  adventurer,  to  leave  his 
comfortable  home  in  the  Canaries  and  his  quiet  hereditary 
office  of  Perpetual  Governor  to  take  command  in  such  a 
miserable  place  as  was  the  Santa  Marta  of  those  days. 

Perhaps  the  fact  that  his  governorship  had  been  acquired 
by  marriage  with  the  heiress  of  the  last  Governor  impelled  him 
to  show  what  mettle  he  was  made  of,  or  perhaps  the  fury 
of  adventure  that  possessed  all  Spain  drove  him  forth,  as  it 
had  driven  out  a  thousand  others,  to  put  his  fortune  to  the 
touch. 

Fray  Simon,  Castellanos,  Piedrahita,  and  the  rest  of 
the  historians  of  the  time  speak  well  of  him,  dwelling 
upon  his  honour,  his  capacity,  and  his  fitness  for  com- 
mand. A  man  of  his  position  in  those  days  never  lacked 
followers,  and  soon  he  had  a  well-appointed  fleet,  assembled 
in  the  port  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Tenerife.  Captains,  destined 
to  be  famous  in  the  conquest  of  New  Granada,  flocked  to 
him,  as  Cespedes  and  San  Martin,  Manjarres,  Lazaro  Fonte, 
and  a  score  of  others,  bringing  their  followers,  their  horses, 
and  the  best  weapons  that  they  could  procure.  Don  Pedro 
offered  the  post  of  chief  magistrate  of  Santa  Marta  to  a 
young  man,  unknown  in  arms,  and  who  had  passed  his  life 
in  study  and  the  practice  of  the  law.  His  name  was  Gonzalo 
Jimenez  de  Quesada,  destined  to  be  the  foremost  person 
in  the  expedition,  and  take  a  front  place  in  the  annals  of 
the  conquerors. 

»  His  Spanish  title  was  that  of  Adelantado,  a  distinction  often 
bestowed  in  those  days  on  governors  in  South  America. 

It  seems  to  have  carried  more  dignity  with  it  than  that  of  Gober- 
nador  (governor,)  and  perhaps  may  correspond  to  the  more  modern 
Spanish  office  of  Capitan  General. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  9 

There  is  no  record  of  how  or  where  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo 
met  Quesada;  but  the  young  lawyer  must  have  stood  high 
in  his  profession  to  have  been  offered  such  an  important 
post. 

The  expedition  sailed  from  Santa  Cruz  de  Tenerife, 
according  to  Fray  Simon,  in  153I,  and  thus  Quesada  was 
about  thirty-six  years  of  age. 

The  fleet  arrived  off  Santa  Marta,  without  novelty/  as 
goes  the  Spanish  phrase,  after  a  passage  of  about  forty 
days — not  so  very  slow  considering  all  things  at  the  time. 

The  Adelantado  found  a  miserable  state  of  things  in  his 
new  capital.  The  so-called  city  was  a  wretched  hamlet 
built  of  mud  hovels  thatched  with  reeds.  Only  one  stone- 
built  house  existed,  and  a  most  miserable  church.  The 
expedition  had  to  live  in  tents.  Dysentery  scourged  the 
newcomers,  unaccustomed  to  the  tropics,  and  fevers  played 
great  havoc  in  their  ranks. 

Provisions  were  so  scarce  that  the  Adelantado  tried  every 
means  he  could  to  force  the  inhabitants  to  leave  the  town 
and  settle  on  the  land.  Those  who  attempted  it  were 
attacked  at  once  by  hostile  Indians,  and  many  lost  their 
lives.  Inside  the  city,  civil  strife  was  raging  dangerously, 
and  the  sailors  in  the  fleet  were  clamouring  for  pay. 

The  colonists  who  had  accompanied  the  fleet  were  horror- 
struck  at  the  poverty  and  wretchedness  of  the  miserable 
village,  that  no  doubt  they  had  been  told  was  a  fine  thriving 
town. 

Especially  the  women,  so  says  Colonel  Acosta^  in  his 
"  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  were  disgusted, 
and  could  scarce  believe  that,  after  having  been  founded 
for  ten  years,  the  settlement  presented  such  a  famine- 
stricken  air. 

The  colonists  lived  in  their  miserable  huts,  without  a 

1  "Sin  novedad."  Novelty  may  take  many  forms.  In  those  days 
it  included  the  risk  of  pirates,  being  becalmed,  dying  of  thirst, 
and  other  acts  of  God,  as  such  matters  are  referred  to  in  bills  of 
lading. 

2  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  "  Compendio  Historico  del  Descubri- 
miento de  la  Nueva  Granada."     (Paris,  1848.) 


10  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

garden,  nor  was  any  land  ploughed  up  for  crops.  Their 
clothes  and  food  they  forced  out  of  the  Indians,  for  they 
did  nothing  for  themselves.  Thus  they  were  like  a  band  of 
gipsies  dressed  in  skins  and  roughly  woven  cotton  cloths, 
made  by  the  Indians.  In  fact,  they  had  fallen  as  low  in 
the  social  scale  as  were  the  natives  whom  they  had  come 
to  educate  and  civilize. 

When  the  brilliant  cavaliers,  all  dressed  in  silks  with  velvet 
cloaks  and  shining  arms,  gilt  morrions  and  waving  plumes, 
disembarked  upon  the  beach,  they  were  met  by  the  interim 
general  Don  Antonio  Bezos  and  the  members  of  the  town 
council,  all  dressed  like  muleteers.-^  One  of  the  captains 
of  the  newcomers  asked  them  if  their  clothes  were  cut  after 
the  fashion-plates  in  the  celebrated  book  on  "  Indumen- 
taria,"  by  Lazaro  Buonamico.  They  did  not  know  that 
amongst  the  men  they  derided  were  to  be  found  the  cele- 
brated baquianos,  who  were  to  be  so  useful  in  the  conquest.^ 

Castellanos,^  in  his  rhymed  chronicle,  has  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  settlers. 

Few  governors  of  colonies  in  the  New  World  have  found 
themselves  in  a  more  miserable  plight  than  did  Don  Pedro 
in  his  new  government. 

^  En  traje  d  ■  arrieros. 

*  Son  los  baquianos  los  que  aconsejan  a  proposito,  rastrean, 
caminan  y  no  se  cansan,  cargan  lo  que  se  ofrece,  Sudan,  sufren  el 
hambre,  la  sed,  el  sol,  agua  y  sereno  .  .  .  ni  les  pesan  las  armas 
ni  huyen  del  trabajo;  buscan  y  conocen  las  comidas  silvestres.  .  .  . 

The  word  "  baquiano  "  originally  meant  a  pioneer.  It  is  now 
commonly  used  all  over  Spanish  America  for  a  guide. 

^  Juan  de  Castellanos,  "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada." 
(Madrid,  1886.)  His  MS.  lay  unpublished  in  the  Archivo  de  Indias 
for  three  hundred  years.  "  Los  antiguos  con  sus  camisetillas,  tan 
delgados  de  zancas  y  pescuezos  que  pudieran  contarlles  las  costillas. 
Contemplaban  aquellas  maravillas  de  trajes  y  costosos  aderezos." 
The  newcomers  asked  them, 

Como  podian  vivir  desta  manera 
En  chozuelas  cubiertas  con  helecho. 
Una  pobre  haraaca  vuestro  lecho 
Una  India  bestial  por  compaiiera. 
Curtido  cada  cual,  seco  y  amarillo 
Como  los  que  castiga  Peralvillo. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  ii 

His  entire  future  was  at  stake,  his  reputation  in  the 
balance.  Something  had  to  be  done,  and  done  at  once,  to 
avoid  a  mutiny  and  the  loss  of  the  new  colony. 

There  was  no  time  to  plant  or  sow  or  to  build  houses: 
the  immediate  need  was  both  for  food  to  give  his  troops 
and  gold  to  pay  the  clamorous  sailors  of  the  fleet. 

He  did  the  only  thing  he  could  have  done  in  the  circum- 
stances, and,  taking  with  him  a  thousand  of  his  best  soldiers 
under  the  Captains  Cespedes,  Cardoso,  Villalobo,  Manjarres, 
and  San  Martin,  he  set  out  resolutely  for  the  interior. 

Up  to  that  time,  the  Sierra  Nevada  had  barred  the  way 
to  the  interior.  From  the  beginning  the  Adelantado,  who 
had  the  instinct  of  a  conqueror,  seems  to  have  seen  that  he 
had  either  to  cross  the  mountains  or  to  find  a  way  round 
them,  for  he  could  not  remain  cramped  up  against  the  coast 
and  at  the  same  time  save  the  colony. 

With  his  thousand  chosen  men  and  his  best  captains, 
Don  Pedro  set  out  to  attack  the  town  of  Bonda,  whose 
inhabitants  had  from  the  first  been  hostile  to  the  new 
settlement. 

Colonel  Acosta^  talks  about  a   punitive  expedition  just 

1  Acosta,  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  p.  151.  In 
one  of  these  expeditions  in  the  wild  country  behind  Santa  Marta 
occurred  the  following  adventure,  told  in  the  curious  and  homely 
style  of  many  of  the  chroniclers.  It  is  preserved  by  Fray  Pedro  de 
Aguado  in  his  "  Historia  de  Santa  Marta  y  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada." 
One  Captain  Palomino,  having  been  sent  out  to  explore,  came  on 
a  river  that  was  unfordable:  "  Pidio  Palomino  su  caballo  Mata- 
moros,  para  pasar  el  rio  que  iva  muy  crecido,  y  aunque  los  que  con 
el  estavan,  le  decian  que  no  lo  pasase,  propuso  y  determine  de 
pasallo,  no  embargante  que  el  caballo  lo  rehusaba,  y  se  bolvia  a 
subirdel  agua,  pero  como  Palomino  estubiere  tan  obstinado  en  seguir 
aquel  su  proposito,  contra  toda  fortuna,  herio  recimente  de  las 
espuelas  al  caballo  Matamoros,  y  haziendole  que  se  metiese  en  el 
mas  hondo  y  caudaloso  del  rio,  fue  sumido  debajo  del  agua,  sin 
que  pareciese  mas.  Su  caballo  salio  por  la  mar  a  la  otra  vanda,  y 
el  capitan  Juan  de  Cespedes  y  el  capitan  Juan  de  Escobar  tomaran 
el  caballo  Matamoros  y  lo  llevaran  encubertado  de  luto,  adonde  el 
gobernador  estaba."  Palomino  evidently  thought  that  he  knew 
more  than  his  horse,  a  common  error  amongst  horsemen ;  but  it  cost 
him  his  life. 


12  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

as  men  to-day,  writing  about  some  tribal  warfare  above 
the  Khyber  Pass  or  in  South  Africa,  would  write  of  "  punish- 
ing the  natives  "  for  their  hostility. 

In  either  case  it  is  a  little  difficult  to  see  how  the  word 
"  punishment  "  applies  to  such  an  expedition  conducted 
against  men  in  their  own  country,  whose  only  crime  is  that 
they  prefer  their  liberty  to  any  foreign  rule.  Don  Pedro 
hoped  to  find  gold  in  Bonda  wherewith  to  pay  his  men. 
However,  as  it  happened,  the  inhabitants  made  such  a 
stout  defence  that  many  of  his  men  were  killed  and  wounded, 
and,  when  at  last  he  took  the  place,  he  found  nothing  of 
any  value  in  it.  The  inhabitants,  having  left  the  town,  still 
shot  their  arrows  and  rolled  down  boulders  on  his  men 
from  all  the  mountain  peaks.  This  so  much  irritated  Don 
Pedro  that  he  burned  the  town  and  seven  other  villages  in 
the  adjoining  valleys  of  Goto  and  Valhermoso,  and,  with  his 
wounded  followers,  fell  back  upon  the  coast. 

He  left  his  son  Don  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo  to  continue  the 
"  chastisement  of  the  inhabitants."^ 

Don  Luis  divided  his  forces  into  two  divisions,  being  deter- 
mined not  to  return  to  Santa  Marta  without  some  booty .^ 

The  division  that  he  sent  under  the  command  of  Gaptain 
Suarez  was  driven  back,  and  then  the  two  commanders 
advanced  to  a  town  upon  the  coast  called  San  Juan  de  Guia, 
from  which  they  determined  to  penetrate  into  the  moun- 
tains of  Tairona,  where  two  chiefs,  called  Marobare  and 
Arobare,  had  taken  refuge  with  their  followers.  Advancmg 
cautiously  up  mountain  paths  so  steep  they  had  to  hold 
each  other  by  the  hand  to  avoid  falling  over  precipices,  they 
surprised  and  took  the  town.  In  it  they  found  gold  to  the 
value  of  fifteen  thousand  "  castellanos  "^  in  images  and 
ornaments. 

So  far,  so  good:  gold  is  the  only  real  salve  to  national 
honour,  and  these  gold-producing  Indians  had  all  been  hostile 
to  the  new  settlement. 

1  Continuar  el  castigo  de  aquellos  habitantes. 

-  Sin  algun  botin. 

3  The  " castellano '■•  was  worth  about  eleven  dollars. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  13 

Had  there  been  nothing  more  than  that  to  chronicle,  the 
history  of  the  expedition  would  have  been  little  different 
from  the  account  of  half  a  hundred  other  raids  of  the  same 
kind,  but  for  a  curious  episode  that  befell  them  on  their 
march.  As  they  struggled  up  the  mountains  towards 
Tairona,  to  set  their  ambush,  ragged,  half-starved,  and 
shivering  in  the  light  clothes  that  they  had  brought  from 
Santa  Marta,  by  paths  so  steep  and  rugged  that  they  had 
to  go  in  Indian  file,  just  at  the  top  of  a  high  pass  they  heard 
a  donkey  bray.  All  knew  that  asses  were  not  indigenous 
to  the  New  World,  so  each  of  them  began  to  comment  on 
the  astounding  sound.  Some  said  that,  unless  the  beast 
had  wings,  he  could  not  possibly  have  got  to  such  a  place. 
Others,  that  the  Indians,  having  heard  the  animal  in  Santa 
Marta,  were  imitating  him,  to  mock  at  them.  A  foreign 
soldier,^  one  Edmundo  Malatesta,  who  had  a  touch  of  the 
humanities^ — one  wonders  what  he  was  doing  in  such  a 
galley — said  he  must  be  the  ass  Silenus  rode  on  in  the 
classics,  and  that  the  gods  had  taken  him  up  to  Olympus 
with  the  other  deities,  and,  having  got  him  there,  he  rnust 
have  fallen  from  his  high  estate.  As  his  companions 
wondered  at  his  learning,  little  enough  of  the  humanities 
ever  having  come  their  way,  the  Italian  said  he  hoped,  when 
they  had  won  the  town,  to  eat  the  author  of  the  voice.  This 
fate  was  not  reserved  for  the  poor  donkey,  who  had,  in  after 
years,  what  may  be  called  the  benefit  of  clergy  at  his  death. 

After  the  battle,  when  the  town  was  duly  burned,  the 
Indians  punished  for  defending  it,  and  all  the  gold  collected, 
the  Spaniards  solved  the  mystery  of  the  ass.  It  then 
appeared  that  he  had  swum  ashore  from  a  Spanish  vessel 
wrecked  upon  the  coast.  The  Indians  never  having  seen  or 
heard  so  strange  an  animal,  thought  he  was  something 
supernatural.  They  slung  him  to  a  pole  and,  in  relays, 
carried  him  up  the  mountains  to  the  village  of  Tairona, 
where  he  had  lived  for  several  months,  treated  with  the 
respect  due  to  his  quality. 

1  Un  soldado  extrangero. 

2  Algo  entendido  en  humauidades. 


14  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

The  Spaniards  made  them  take  him  down  again  in  the 
same  way,  and  Fray  Simon,  with  one  of  his  rare  flights  of 
humour,  says,  as  the  ass  was  the  first  of  all  his  species  to 
tread  the  soil  of  the  New  World,  he  may  be  justly  called 
a  conqueror.  This  conquering  animal  went  with  the 
Sargento  Mayor,  Salinas  upon  a  lengthy  expedition,  and  did 
good  service  on  it.  He  struggled  up  to  Bogota  in  Quesada's 
expedition,  and  lost  his  life  under  Hernando  de  Quesada,  the 
Conqueror's  brother,  upon  the  Llanos  of  the  Rio  Meta. 
His  end  was  worthy  or  unworthy  of  his  fame,  according 
to  the  reader's  point  of  view.  The  valiant  quadruped^  on 
his  last  expedition  was  ridden  by  a  friar.  Provisions  failed, 
starvation  stared  the  expedition  in  the  face,  and,  as  a  last 
resource,  they  killed  the  ass,  "  pushed  by  the  extremity  of 
hunger,"  so  Fray  Aguado  says,  in  extenuation  of  the 
crime. 

Thus  were  his  services,  in  life  and  death,  considerable. 
The  soldiers  called  him  Marobare  after  the  cacique  of  the 
town  where  he  was  captured.  His  rider's  name  was  Padre 
Fray  Vicente  Requesada.  Both  friar  and  ass  were  con- 
querors, as  it  were. 

The  friar,  faithful  to  his  vows,  we  may  suppose,  has  left 
no  progeny.  His  tried  companion  and  his  saviour  of  the 
past  was  the  progenitor  of  thousands  of  his  race,  who  to-day 
wake  the  echoes  of  the  Andean  trails  as  did  their  ancestor 
on  the  hillside  above  Tairona,  when  he  first  stood  revealed 
a  conqueror. 

After  some  futile  raids  upon  the  neighbouring  villages, 
in  which  nothing  was  found,  except  in  one  case  several  large 
figures  made  of  wood,-  that  the  Spaniards  took  to  be  the 
images  of  departed  chiefs,  Don  Luis  de  Lugo  gave  orders 
to  return  towards  the  ships.  He  had  been  strictly  enjoined 
by  his  father  to  devote  the  gold  they  had  collected  to  pay 
the  sailors  of  the  fleet.  Instead  of  doing  so,  he  seized  a 
vessel  and  secretly  embarked  for  Spain,  leaving  his  father 
to  face  the  situation  as  he  could. 

1  Valiente  quadrupedo. 

2  Figuras  humanas  de  luadera,  toscamente  labradas. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  15 

A  ship  was  sent  out  to  pursue  him,  but  he  eluded  it,  and 
arrived  in  Spain  a  month  before  his  father's  messenger. 
When  they  produced  the  documents  to  prove  his  treachery, 
he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  prison,  under  an  order  from 
the  king. 

Somehow  or  other  he  contrived  to  get  his  liberty,  either 
by  bribery  or  by  some  other  means. 

Then,  with  the  money  he  had  stolen,  he  went  to  Court, 
and  married  a  lady  of  position,  one  Dona  Beatriz  Neroha  de 
Mendoza,  related  to  the  powerful  family  of  the  Mendozas,  and 
through  her  influence  became  a  favourite,  and  a  thorn,  both 
in  his  father's  and  Quesada's  side,  by  his  intrigues  and  wiles. 

Don  Pedro,  when  he  heard  his  son's  defection,  was  broken 
down  with  grief.  Still,  he  could  not  remain  inactive,  for 
something  had  to  be  achieved  at  any  cost,  as,  cooped  in 
their  tents  upon  the  beach  in  Santa  Marta,  his  men  died 
daily,  and  mutiny  was  rife. 

Summoning  his  officers,  he  laid  the  situation  plainly  before 
them,  as  a  wise  commander  should  have  done  in  such  a 
desperate  strait.  All  joined  in  the  advice  that  the  first  thing 
they  had  to  do  was  to  find  out  a  way  to  the  interior. 

To  pass  the  snow-clad  mountains  was  impossible,  for  no 
one  knew  the  way,  and  to  push  on  through  the  primeval 
forests  still  more  impossible.  So  they  determined  to  explore 
the  River  Magdalena,  ascend  it,  and,  from  its  sources,  try 
to  reach  some  country  fit  for  a  settlement.  At  once  they 
set  themselves  to  build  several  decked  boats,  of  the  kind 
known  to  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  as  "  bergantines,"-^ 
destined  to  carry  their  provisions  and  their  arms,  and  ferry 
across  the  soldiers  and  the  horses  who  marched  along  the 
river  banks  when  they  came  to  impenetrable  swamps  and 
streams  they  could  not  ford.  No  expedition,  in  all  the 
history  of  the  conquest,  ever  set  out  upon  so  desperate  a 
march.  The  oldest  settler  in  Santa  Marta  had  never  pene- 
trated more  than  a  hundred  miles  inland.  The  interior 
was  so  shut  off  from  the  coast,  by  the  primeval  forest,  by 

^  "  Bergantin  "  means  brigantine,  but  the  Spanish  chroniclers 
seem  to  have  used  it  for  any  kind  of  decked  sailing  boat. 


i6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

marshes,  hostile  tribes,  high  mountain  ranges,  and  the 
enormous  distance  that  lay  between  the  seaboard  and  the 
plains  of  Bogota,  that  not  a  whisper  had  ever  reached  the 
Spaniards  of  the  existence  of  the  Chibcha^  kingdom,  nine 
hundred  miles  away.  Yet,  so  great  was  the  spirit  that 
animated  the  conquistadores,  no  man  hesitated,  and  all  were 
keen  to  plunge  into  the  wilderness. 

The  first  point  was  to  choose  a  leader,  for  upon  him  the 
failure  or  the  success  of  the  adventure  would  ultimately  lie. 
Tried  captains  were  not  wanting,  for  camped  upon  the 
beach  of  Santa  Marta  were  men  who  had  made  their  name 
in  the  Italian  wars.  Others  had  fought  in  Venezuela,  in 
Mexico,  and  in  Peru. 

Don  Pedro's  choice  fell  upon  none  of  his  tried  captains, 
for,  without  hesitation,  he  named  Quesada  general  of  the 
expedition,  having  found  out  that  he  was  born  to  be  a 
leader,  although  not  bred  to  arms.  His  choice  was  justified, 
as  the  young  general  proved  himself  valiant  in  action, 
patient  in  hardships  to  an  incredible  degree,  tactful  in 
council,  and,  in  the  difficulties  that  at  once  beset  his  path, 
staunch,  and  as  true  as  steel. 

1  The  Chibchas  were  the  original  inhabitants  of  Bogota,  as  the 
Aztecs  and  Toltecs  were  of  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  II 

Though  at  the  time  the  Adelantado,  Don  Pedro,  was  hard 
pressed  for  money/  and  the  defection  of  his  son  had  made 
things  still  more  difficult  for  him,  he  yet  pushed  on  the 
preparations  for  the  expedition,  pledging  his  credit  to  the 
last  doubloon. 

In  a  short  time^  he  had  six  brigantines  prepared  and 
ready  for  the  voyage. 

Remembering  the  medieval  saying,  "  Let  death  come  to 
me  from  Spain,"^  the  "  breve  tiempo  "  might  seem  doubtful 
to  those  who  know  the  Spains.  However,  the  conquista- 
dores  were  capable  of  boundless  energy,  as  is  shown  on  this 
occasion,  and  at  the  time  when  Cortes  constructed  another 
fleet  of  brigantines,  during  the  siege  of  Mexico.  Wood 
certainly  abounded  in  the  jungle,  and  all  must  have  known 
that  the  position,  hemmed  in  on  the  coast,  was  quite  un- 
tenable. No  doubt  the  heavy  work  was  done  by  the  forced 
labour  of  the  Indians,  and,  in  a  fleet  in  those  days,  men 
abounded  who  could  construct  a  wooden  sailing  vessel,  just 
as  they  abound  to-day  on  the  Ligurian  coast. 

When  all  was  ready  and  the  ships  victualled  and  duly 
blessed,  Don  Pedro  solemnly  delivered  his  commission"*  to 
Quesada  as  General-in-Chief,  before  the  assembled  host : 

"I,  Don  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  Adelantado  of  the 
Canary  Islands  and  Perpetual  Governor  of  Santa  Marta  and 
all  its  provinces,  for  His  Majesty  at  present,  name  as  my 
lieutenant-general   the  Licentiate   Quesada.     I   name  him 

^  "  Sinrepararen  lo  poco  que  tenia  trato  luego deque  sedispusiese 
lo  necesario  al  viage  y  empresa"  (Padre  Simon). 

*  En  breve  tiempo. 

^  Que  la  muerte  me  venga  de  Espaiia. 

*  Titulo= commission:  in  this  case  Quesada  was,  of  course, 
lieutenant-general  under  the  Adelantado  Don  Pedro. 

17  2 


l8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

general  both  of  the  infantry  and  of  the  cavalry  of  the  army 
that  is  ready  to  set  out  on  the  discovery  of  the  sources  of 
the  great  River  Magdalena." 

The  commission  was  dated  "  Santa  Marta,  April  the  first, 
1537."  and  signed  "  El  Adelantado."^ 

The  date  of  the  commission  seems  to  be  wrongly  stated 
in  the  document,^  as  there  is  no  doubt  the  expedition 
sailed  on  April  6,  1536.  At  that  time  there  were  in  Santa 
Marta,  according  to  contemporary  accounts,  about  one 
thousand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 

From  these  the  Adelantado  selected  eight  hundred,  and 
formed  six  hundred  of  them  into  six  companies,  appointing 
Captain  Juan  de  Junco  to  replace  Quesada,  if  he  should 
happen  to  be  killed. 

In  case  both  should  be  killed,  he  named  Captain  Gonzalo 
Suarez  Rondon,  to  take  command. 

As  captains  of  infantry  of  the  six  hundred  men  who  were 
to  march  by  land,  followed  up  by  the  fleet,  went  Juan  de 
Cespedes,  Juan  San  Martin,  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Valenzuela, 
Lazaro  Fonte,  Juan  de  Madrid,  Lebrij  a,  and  several  others.  As 
ensigns  he  named  Gonzalo  Garcia  Zorro^  and  Anton  de  Olaila. 

*  Herrera  in  his  "  Decadas  "  (5  and  6)  makes  the  date  1536,  but 
Fray  Simon  expressly  says  Herrera  is  mistaken  ("  se  engana  Herrera"), 
and  affirms  that  he  himself  had  seen  the  date  on  the  original  docu- 
ment in  Bogota.  Juan  Rodriguez  Fresle,  a  native  of  Bogota,  the 
author  of  the  famous  "  Carnero  Bogotano,"  who  wrote  in  1639, 
agrees  with  Fray  Simon  as  to  the  date.  So  also  does  Juan  Florez 
de  Ocariz,  who  wrote  his  "  Genealogias  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Gra- 
nada "  in  1764.  Moreover,  two  of  Quesada's  captains,  Juan  de 
San  Martin  and  Antonio  Lebrija,  who  sailed  from  Santa  Marta  with 
Quesada  and  fought  beside  him  during  the  entire  conquest,  in  a 
joint  letter  that  they  wTote  to  the  King,  copied  by  Nunez  the 
historian  from  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  at  Seville,  give  the  date 
1536.  Padre  Juan  Castellanos,  the  author  of  the  rhyming  chronicle, 
and  Piedrahita,  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Marta,  also  agree  as  to  the 
date  153O. 

8  Quesada  himself  in  the  "Relacion"  that  he  wrote,  dated 
July  5th,  1576,  fixes  the  date,  for  in  the  first  paragraph  he  says, 
"  thirty  years  ago  "  ("  treinte  anos  a  esta  fecha  ")  in  speaking  of  his 
companions  who  set  out  with  him  from  Santa  Marta. 

'  Alferez. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  19 

Two  hundred  men  were  put  aboard  the  brigantines  under 
the  command  of  Captains  Antonio  Diaz  Cardoso,  Luis  de 
Manjarres,  and  Juan  Cespedes.  Diego  de  Urbina,  a 
Biscayan/  was  appointed  "  Cabo."^  Ortun  Velazquez  de 
Velasco  was  appointed  general  overseer.^ 

The  fleet  was  well  provisioned  and  equipped  with  every- 
thing required  for  such  an  expedition.  Not  the  least 
important  was  the  care  for  spiritual  matters,  in  taking  two 
religious  with  them,  Padre  Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas  and 
Padre  Anton  Lescano,  with  requisites  with  which  to  celebrate 
Mass,  when  opportunity  occurred.^ 

As  even  conquerors  do  not  live  by  bread  alone,  this  care 
for  matters  spiritual  does  great  credit  to  the  Adelantado's 
orthodoxy,  and,  as  it  proved,  both  the  two  friars  were  men 
of  learning  and  of  liberal  views. 

After  a  solemn  Mass,  the  expedition  started,  as  full  of 
spirit  as  of  hope.^ 

The  fleet  put  out  to  sea  with  all  the  population  of  the 
almost  illusory  settlement  standing  on  the  beach  to  gaze  at 
them.  The  lions  and  the  castles  of  Castile,  no  doubt,  made 
a  brave  show,  fluttering  from  the  jackstaffs  of  the  ships, 
and  such  artillery  as  they  possessed  thundering  out  a  salvo 
to  speed  them  on  their  way.  The  Adelantado  had  done  his 
duty  like  a  man,  and,  without  doubt,  Quesada  took  up  his 
first  command  with  that  self-confidence  that  never  once 
deserted  him  through  all  the  perils  of  his  life.  He  himself, 
mounted  on  a  fine  charger,  led  the  six  hundred  men  that 
the  Adelantado  had  chosen  and  equipped  with  his  last 
funds. 

His  cavalry  numbered  only  eighty,  but  as  we  are  so  often 
told  that,  after  God,  the  conquerors  owed  their  victory  to 

^  Diego  de  Urbina,  Vizcano. 

2  "  Cabo  "  literally  means  "  corporal." 

*  "  Veedor  "  also  means  "  caterer,"  and  there  is  nothing  to  show 
which  office  is  meant. 

*  No  era  lo  menos  el  llevar  prevencion  en  las  cosas  espirituales, 
sino  lo  mas  para  lo  que  tocaba  a  ellas  con  buen  recaudo  para  poder 
decir  misa  donde  se  ofreciere  oportunidad. 

*  Tan  Uenos  de  brios  como  de  esperanzas. 


20  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

the  horses,  they  counted  for  far  more  than  their  mere 
number  would  suggest.  With  them  went  the  celebrated 
Marobare,^  the  valiant  quadruped  that  they  had  acquired,  as 
it  were,  fallen  from  the  skies.  Unluckily,  Fray  Simon  was 
not  a  horseman,  as  was  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  so  no  one 
has  preserved  for  us,  as  he  did,  in  his  history  of  the  conquest 
of  New  Spain,  the  names,  the  colours,  and  the  qualities  of 
any  of  the  horses  who  marched  from  Santa  Marta  on  that 
eventful  day.  All  we  know  is  that  they  were  good  and  fit 
for  war.  Now  and  again,  during  the  history  of  the  con- 
quest, we  get  a  glimpse  of  one  of  them,  as,  for  instance,  of 
the  dappled  grey^  of  Captain  Cespedes,  who  scaled  the 
mountain  paths,  with  such  discretion  and  agility^  note  that 
he  owed  nothing  to  the  best  footman'*  in  the  host. 

All  now  was  in  Quesada's  hands,  and  upon  him  depended 
the  fate  and  lives  of  all  the  expedition.  He  found  himself 
in  a  unique  position  for  a  man,  only  thirty-seven  years  of 
age,  and  not  brought  up  to  arms.  The  Adelantado  must 
have  seen  great  qualities  in  him,  and  certainly  he  had  that 
magnetism  that  enables  every  great  commander  to  win  the 
confidence  of  those  he  has  to  lead,  for,  from  the  first  day, 
all  his  men  followed  Quesada  implicitly,  and  none  rebelled 
against  him,  even  when  he  committed  certain  harsh  actions 
that  would  most  certainly  have  brought  on  a  mutiny  with 
other  generals. 

The  expedition  was  not  too  well  found,  as  money  was 
scarce  in  Santa  Marta,  and  arms  and  powder  had  to  come 
from  Spain.  Although  in  the  West  Indian  Islands  horses 
were  being  bred,  they  yet  were  dear  and  far  from  plentiful. 

The  chief  est  want  was  powder,  and,  from  the  first,  the 
expedition  had  to  economize  its  use. 

When  once  the  fleet  had  put  to  sea,  the  army  set  out  on 
its  march,  crossing  the  province  of  Chimila,  a  country  hot 
and  desolate,  sandy  and  waterless.  The  Indians  all  were 
hostile,  having  already  suffered  from  the  incursions  of  the 
settlers,  so  that  from  the  first  day  the  expedition  marched, 

1  See  Chapter  I.  2  Rucio  rodado. 

^  Discrecion  y  agilidad.  *  El  peon  mas  suelto. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  21 

they  had  to  fight  their  way.  The  Indians  harassed  them 
from  thickets  and  from  rocks,  raining  their  poisoned  arrows 
on  their  ranks;  but,  as  they  wore  the  quilted  cotton  armour 
that  the  Spaniards  had  found  more  efficacious  against 
arrows  than  the  best  armour,  either  of  Milan  or  of  Toledo, 
their  losses  were  but  small.  Nothing  could  well  have  looked 
more  curious  and  awe-inspiring  to  the  Indians  than  a  Spanish 
horse-soldier  and  his  horse  draped  in  their  cotton  quilts. 

As  a  horse  was  worth  at  least  five  men  in  battle  and 
almost  irreplaceable^  in  those  days,  and  cost,  moreover,  a 
king's  ransom  to  procure,  the  first  thing  naturally  was  to 
defend  him  against  poisoned  arrows,  that  killed  both  men 
and  horses  in  an  hour  or  two. 

Aguado,  in  his  most  curious  "  History  of  Venezuela,"^ 
says:  "  Out  of  sacking  or  light  linen  cloths  they  make  a 
kind  of  surcoat  that  they  call  a  coat  of  arms.  These  fall 
below  the  knee,  and  sometimes  to  the  calf.  They  are  all 
stuffed  with  cotton,  to  the  thickness  of  three  fingers.  The 
layers  of  cotton  are  quilted  between  folds  of  linen  and 
sewed  with  rough  thread  made  in  the  country,  and  every 
thread  is  strongly  knotted.  ,  .  .  The  sleeves  are  made  in 
the  same  fashion.  ...  Of  the  same  cotton  they  also  make 
a  breastplate  and  a  helmet,  though  some  make  these  of 
tapir's  or  ox  hide,  formed  like  a  skull  cap.  Those  soldiers 
who  have  a  steel  helmet  often  prefer  it.  .  .  .  In  the  same 
manner  and  of  the  same  cotton  and  linen  they  make  armour 
for  the  horse  that  guards  his  face  and  chest,  and  covers  him 
in  front.  Fixed  to  the  saddle  is  another  covering  over  his 
croup  that  falls  down  over  his  legs.  A  mounted  man 
armed  in  this  way,  upon  his  horse  caparisoned  in  the  same 
fashion,  looks  the  most  hideous  and  monstrous  thing  that 
it  is  possible  to  see.^ 

"...  In  countries  where  the  Indians  place  sharp  stakes 

1  Francisco  de  Jerez  in  his  "  Conquista  del  Peru  "  (p.  238)  says: 
"  El  precio  comun  de  ellos  (caballos)  era  de  2,300  pesos,  y  no  se 
hallaban  este  en  precio." 

2  "  Historia  de  Venezuela,"  Fray  Pedro  de  Aguado,  tomo  1°. 

3  Parece  cosa  mas  disforme  y  monstruosa  de  lo  que  aqui  se  puede 
figurarse. 


22  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

in  holes,  they  [the  Spaniards]  make  foot  covering  for  the 
horse  of  the  same  nature  as  the  armour.  These  stakes  the 
Indians  used  to  sow  about  the  roads  to  lame  the  horses  of 
those  who  were  conquistadores."^ 

A  monstrous  sight  indeed  a  horse  and  man  must  have 
appeared  so  armed;  but  all  the  same  the  precaution  was 
quite  necessary,  for  Aguado  goes  on  to  say  the  Spaniards 
often  came  out  of  battle  with  so  many  arrows  sticking  in 
their  armour  and  that  of  the  horses,  that  Captain  Juan 
de  Ribera,  in  the  battle  of  Labuga,  had  full  two  hundred 
hanging  from  him  and  from  his  horse. 

Thus  did  Quesada's  cavalry  advance.  The  infantry  were 
dressed  in  the  accoutrement  of  Spanish  men-at-arms  of  those 
days,  the  settlers  from  Santa  Marta  in  the  linen  clothes 
and  cotton  armour  that  the  colonists  of  those  days  wore 
when  their  Spanish  clothes  and  arms  had  been  worn  out  in 
the  hot  and  humid  climate  of  the  coast.  Quesada,  mounted 
on  his  horse,  rode  at  the  head  of  his  strange-looking 
cavalry.  After  him  came  the  harquebusiers  with  their 
long  match  and  flint  lock  guns.  The  infantry  composed  the 
vanguard.  Then  followed  a  long  train  of  Indians  carrying 
stores  and  baggage,  and  the  crossbowmen  brought  up  the 
rear. 

None  of  the  chroniclers  of  the  conquest  of  New  Granada 
mentions  any  of  those  troops  of  Cuban  bloodhounds  that 
did  such  execution  under  Cortes  in  Mexico. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  with  what  feelings  Quesada 
rode  amongst  his  captains.  Gone  was  the  dreary  poring 
over  deeds  in  crabbed  hands.  The  long  hours  in  the  stifling 
courts  must  have  seemed  like  a  bad  dream  to  him.  At  last 
he  had  his  chance,  and  was  resolved  to  make  the  most  of 
it.  The  line  of  march  was  almost  due  westerly.  Some  of 
the  colonists  of  Santa  Marta  had  penetrated  about  a  hundred 
miles  up  the  great  river.^ 

It  is  uncertain  to  what  point  the  settlers  actually  had 

1  "  Para  que  se  hinquen  los  que  fuesen  conquistadores  " :  Aguado, 
"  Historia  de  Venezuela." 

'*  Fray  Simon  always  refers  to  the  Magdalena  as  "  El  Rio  Grande." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  23 

penetrated,  but  certainly^  the  town  of  Tamalameque,  about 
a  hundred  miles  up  the  river,  was  known  to  them  by  name. 
At  that  point  Quesada  ordered  the  commander  of  the  fleet. 
El  Licenciado  Juan  de  Gallegos,  to  join  him,  as  he  marched 
by  land  along  the  river's  bank. 

The  province  of  Chimila,  through  which  Quesada  marched, 
formed  part  of  what  is  now  the  department  of  Atlantic©. 
For  the  first,  and  perhaps  the  only,  time  in  the  whole  con- 
quest, they  suffered  from  a  want  of  water,  for  the  land  is 
hot  and  dry,  and  water-holes  are  few  and  far  between.  To 
the  south-west  the  snow-capped  peaks  of  the  Sierra  Nevada 
towered  to  the  sky.  In  front  of  them  rose  the  thick  wall  of 
vegetation  on  the  Magdalena's  bank.  Indian  attacks  were 
frequent,  and  the  skirmishers  were  ever  on  the  watch.  In 
the  front  of  the  expedition  the  "  baquianos "  acted  as 
scouts,  their  experience  of  the  New  World  rendering  them 
priceless  for  such  work.  On  one  occasion,  they  took  several 
Indians  prisoners,  and  bought  them  to  the  camp.  In  a 
few  minutes  an  Indian  woman  rushed  into  their  lines,  her 
hair  loose,  weeping  bitterly  and  like  one  possessed.^  The 
Spanish  soldiers  stood  aside  to  let  her  pass,  and  she,  running 
up  to  a  young  man  whom  they  had  taken  prisoner,  threw 
herself  on  his  neck,  shedding  "  most  tender  tears,"^  and 
saying,  as  her  son  was  captive,  she  would  remain  with  him. 
Her  tears  and  desperation  so  much  moved  Quesada,  that 
he  at  once  released  the  boy  and  all  the  prisoners,  keeping 
one  only  for  a  guide. 

A  moving  scene  it  must  have  been,  with  its  wild  setting 
and  strange  accessories,  and  one  that  showed  Quesada  was 
a  man  who,  had  not  circumstances  later  on  proved  stronger 
than  his  will,  might  have  ranked  almost  alone  amongst  the 
conquerors  for  his  humanity. 

The  march  through  the  hot,  barren  country  of  Chimila 
only  took  Quesada  about  a  week,  and  then  his  real  diffi- 

^  Tamalameque  is  said  to  have  meant  "  The  City  of  the  Palms  " 
in  the  Indian  tongue  of  the  district. 
2  Haciendo  mil  extremos. 
2  Con  tiernisimas  lagrimas. 


24  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

culties  began.  No  roads  existed  on  the  Magdalena's  banks, 
and  none  exist  to-day.  In  those  times,  as  in  these,  the 
river  was  the  only  highway  to  the  interior.  Even  to  reach 
it  was  a  work  of  difficulty.  On  every  side  there  towered 
a  giant  vegetation,  matted  together  with  lianas  so  as  to  be 
almost  impenetrable.  To  the  soldiers'  eyes,  only  accus- 
tomed to  the  tamed-looking  European  vegetation,  that 
seems  to  grow  just  as  man  wishes  it  should  grow,  in  the 
main  thornless  and  with  due  intervals  between  the  trees, 
the  virgin  forest,  that  had  never  felt  the  pressure  of  a 
European  foot,  appeared  to  threaten  and  to  challenge  their 
advance. 

The  gigantic  trees;  the  unknown  heavy-scented  flowers; 
the  ferns  as  big  as  European  bushes;  the  palms  with  their 
smooth  stems  and  feathery  heads;  the  gaily-coloured  birds 
and  butterflies;  the  hum  of  insect  life  that  filled  the  air  as 
with  the  strains  of  a  great  organ;  the  reptiles  hanging  from 
the  boughs,  or  lying  with  their  fangs  bared  and  heads  erect 
to  strike,  beneath  the  masses  of  the  heavy  vegetation;  the 
thorns  like  lancets  that  even  pierced  their  leather  jerkins; 
and  now  and  then  the  half-seen  form  of  a  tiger^  stealing 
through  the  bushes,  impressed  men  used  to  Europe,  with 
dread  and  horror,  as  if  they  had  come  into  another  planet 
hostile  and  terrible. 

Ouesada  was  not  the  kind  of  man  to  be  discouraged  by 
initial  difficulties,  though  they  were  formidable  At  once 
he  formed  a  force  of  "  macheteros,"^  who,  with  their  cane- 
knives  and  their  axes,  were  set  to  cut  a  path  through  the 
dense  jungle,  to  the  river  bank. 

Sometimes  Quesada,  dismounting  from  his  horse,  worked 
for  a  spell  amongst  the  "  macheteros,"   to  show  a  good 

1  The  jaguar  is  always  referred  to  as  "El  Tigre "  in  the 
accounts  of  the  conquest,  whether  of  Mexico,  Colombia,  or 
Paraguay. 

2  "  El  machete  "  is  the  cutlass,  that  is  called  in  the  West  Indies 
and  Southern  States  of  North  America  a  cane-knife.  It  is  a  most 
useful  weapon,  and  is  used  all  over  Spanish  America  except  in  the 
Argentine  Pampas,  where  it  would  have  no  application,  ^s  there 
is  no  brushwood  to  cut  down. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  25 

example,  and  incidentally  to  show  the  kind  of  stuff  that 
he  was  made  of,  and  without  doubt  his  men  marched  the 
more  willingly,  seeing  their  general  walk.  The  first  few 
days  gave  them  a  taste  of  what  was  in  store  for  them. 
The  enervating  heat  prostrated  men  accustomed  to  the 
moderate  heat  of  Europe.  The  perpetual  damp  rotted 
their  clothes  away.  Water,  though  plentiful — too  plenti- 
ful, in  fact — was  deadly,  for  all  along  the  belts  of  forests, 
by  the  Magdalena's  banks,  stretched  vast  and  feverish 
swamps,  and  from  the  swamps  they  were  compelled  to 
drink.  Soon  men  were  falling  out,  stricken  with  malarial 
fevers,  against  which  in  those  days  no  remedies  existed, 
and,  even  if  they  had,  Quesada  had  no  doctors  and  no 
hospitals. 

The  deadly  climate,  the  lack  of  roads,  and  the  impene- 
trable swamps  he  had  to  wade  through,  were  the  first 
difficulties  Quesada  met  upon  his  way. 

Cortes  in  Mexico,  and  Pizarro  in  Peru,  marched  through 
relatively  open  country,  and  every  day  brought  them 
towards  climates  more  suitable  for  Europeans.  Moreover, 
they  both  knew  that  great  and  powerful  Indian  empires 
were  in  front  of  them.  All  this  contributed  to  make  the 
soldiers  more  contented,  and  it  speaks  volumes  for  Quesada's 
talents  as  a  leader  that  his  men,  plunged  in  the  recesses  of 
the  virgin  forests,  going  they  knew  not  where,  never  rebelled 
against  him,  or  even  murmured,  until  their  sufferings  grew 
intolerable.  Those  who  have  wandered  in  the  Colombian 
wilds  to-day,  with  all  the  resources  of  modern  times  at  their 
command,  can  form  some  slight  idea  of  what  the  con- 
quistadores  had  to  bear,  marching  waist-deep  in  stagnant 
water,  almost  dependent  on  the  game  they  killed  for  their 
support,  for  stores  from  Spain  were  not  to  be  expected, 
and  those  they  had  they  were  obliged  to  use  with  the  utmost 
parsimony ;  without  quinine  or  any  febrifuge ;  devoured  alive 
by  the  mosquitoes  and  by  the  innumerable  insect  plagues 
that  make  life  miserable.  Besides  all  these,  as  they  toiled 
painfully  along,  at  any  moment  from  the  recesses  of  the 
woods  a  flight  of  poisoned  arrows  might  be  poured  upon 


26  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

them,  against  whose  poison  no  antidote,  except  the  actual 
cautery,  was  known  to  them.^ 

No  expedition  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest  had  to  bear 
greater  hardships,  and  few  commanders  faced  them  more 
stoutly  than  did  Quesada  and  his  captains. 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  he  had  to  meet  was  how 
to  cross  the  many  and  considerable  streams  that  fell  into 
the  Magdalena. 

Struggling  through  marshes  and  through  swamps,  they 
reached  a  river  after  a  fortnight's  toil,  marching  at  times 
but  a  short  league^  a  day.  The  river  proved  too  deep  to 
ford,  and  there  were  no  canoes  or  boats  at  hand,  until  they 
joined  the  fleet  that  had  set  out  to  join  them,  in  the  district 
known  to  the  Indians  as  Sampollon. 

Alligators  swarmed  upon  its  banks,  just  as  they  swarm 
in  any  creek  in  the  hot  country  of  Colombia  to-day.  The 
difficulty  seemed  insuperable,  for  to  adventure  into  the 
turbid,  swiftly  flowing  flood,  haunted  by  saurians  and  the 
ravenous,  bloodthirsty  fish  known  as  caribes^  in  some  parts 
of  America,  without  support  of  any  kind,  would  have  been 
to  invite  disaster  and  a  certain  loss  of  men. 

Quesada,  with  the  eye  of  the  born  leader,  ordered  his 
men  to  cut  lianas  from  the  trees,  and  twist  them  into  ropes. 
Then,  a  brave  soldier  having  volunteered  to  swim  across 
holding  the  end  of  the  extemporized  cable  in  his  teeth,  a 
rough  and  dangerous,  but  adequate  bridge  was  improvised. 
All  crossed  in  safety,  the  horses  swimming,  whilst  men  with 
poles  beat  on  the  water  to  scare  the  alligators. 

Nothing  was  lost  except  some  stores,^  and  then  the 
expedition,  having  come  out  upon  the  Magdalena's  bank, 
halted  to  rest,  and  seek  for  tidings  of  the  fleet. 

1  Later  on  we  read  of  "La  contrayerva,"  probably  the  Waco 
plant  so  well  known  to  the  Indians  in  both  Americas.  "Yerva" 
(probably  "  hierba  ")  was  the  name  that  the  Spaniards  always 
gave  to  the  poison  the  Indians  used  for  their  arrows. 

*  The  Spanish  league  may  be  taken  at  three  miles. 
3  "  Caribes  " — i.e.,  caribs. 

*  Matalotage. 


CHAPTER  III 

On  leaving  Santa  Marta,  Quesada  had  fixed  his  meeting 
with  the  fleet  at  Tamalameque  in  the  province  of  Sampollon. 
He  had  expected  that  they  would  easily  precede  him  there; 
but,  when  he  reached  the  Indian  village  of  Chiriguana, 
considerably  farther  down  the  stream  than  Tamalameque, 
he  found  no  trace  of  them. 

Although  he  did  not  know  it  at  the  time,  the  voyage, 
from  the  first,  had  been  disastrous.  All  had  gone  well  as 
far  as  the  Magdalena's  mouth.  On  entering  it,  the  fleet 
found  it  in  flood.  An  enormous  yellow  mass  of  water,  upon 
whose  surface  floated  trunks  of  trees  and  rafts  of  brush- 
wood, met  the  tide  and  caused  a  fearful  sea  upon  the  bar. 
These  floods,  caused  by  the  melting  of  the  snows  upon  the 
mountains  of  the  interior,  descend  so  suddenly,  that  the 
powerful  boats,  that  to-day  ply  upon  the  Magdalena,  are 
often  hardly  able  to  make  headway,  and,  now  and  then,  are 
twisted  round  and  driven  on  the  banks,  as  if  they  were  mere 
cockle-shells  or  Indian  canoes.  The  brigantines,  built 
hastily  in  Santa  Marta,  most  probably  of  unseasoned  wood, 
for  it  is  most  unlikely  that  the  Adelantado  could  have  risked 
dismantling  any  of  his  ships  from  Spain,  could  make  but  a 
poor  fight  in  heavy  weather  such  as  prevailed  just  off  the 
river's  mouth. 

A  southerly  gale  drove  them  right  past  the  entrance  to 
the  river,  a  place  not  always  easy  to  negotiate  even  to-day, 
and  that,  in  those  days,  uncharted  and  without  lights  or 
any  fairway  beacons,  must  have  been  a  perfect  death-trap, 
in  the  fierce  gales  that  spring  up  from  the  south. 

The  tempest  drove  them  towards  Cartagena,  past  the 
long  island  of  Salamanca,  which  extends  for  almost  five 
leagues  in  front  of  the  river's  entrance  to  the  sea,  so  that 

27 


28  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

there  are  two  passes,  as  it  were,  into  the  Magdalena,  one 
at  each  end  of  this  natural  breakwater.  Three  of  the  five 
ships  were  sunk,  and  the  greater  portion  of  the  crews  were 
lost. 

The  few  that  got  ashore  were  killed  and  eaten  by  the 
Indians,  except  some  stragglers,  who  escaped  by  hiding  in 
the  woods,  and  arrived  eventually  at  Cartagena,  after  great 
sufferings. 

Captain  Cardoso's  ship  was  driven  ashore  at  Punta  de 
los  Icacos,^  near  Cartagena,  but  got  afloat  again  after  much 
labour,  and  the  same  fate  happened  to  the  vessel  of  Captain 
Manjarres. 

Thus  only  two  ships  out  of  the  five  that  sailed  from 
Santa  Marta  escaped  the  storm,  and  even  they  were  badly 
damaged  and  scarcely  fit  for  sea. 

The  Adelantado,  with  that  contempt  of  difficulty  that 
always  characterized  him,  although  in  want  of  money,  and 
in  bad  health,^  instantly  issued  orders  to  build  three  more 
brigantines.  As  soon  as  they  were  built  he  sent  them  off 
to  join  Quesada  at  the  trysting-place.  By  this  time  Captains 
Cardoso  and  Manjarres  had  got  their  damaged  ships  refitted, 
and,  entering  the  river,  had  got  as  far  as  an  Indian  town 
known  as  Malambo,^  after  the  cacique's  name. 

Several  of  the  captains  sent  to  the  assistance  of  Quesada 
by  the  Adelantado  had  become  so  much  discouraged  by 
their  first  want  of  success,  that  they  deserted  with  their 
ships,  and,  crossing  to  Panama,  went  to  Peru'*  to  seek  their 
fortune.     One  of  them.  Captain  Urbina,  joined  the  Licen- 

1  The  icaco  is  the  Chrysohalanus  icaco.  It  is  known  in  Cartagena 
as  "  Uvas  de  Playa  "  (Grapes  of  the  Shore),  and  bears  a  fruit  that 
has  much  the  appearance  of  a  bunch  of  grapes. 

-  De  bien  poca  salud. 

^  Many  of  the  towns  in  Colombia  still  bear  the  names  of  their 
caciques  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  Cacique,  though  originally 
a  Carib  word,  from  the  Island  of  Hispaniola,  is  now  used  all  over 
Spanish  America  in  the  sense  of  chieftain,  or  chief.  Maiz,  hamaca, 
and  many  other  words  now  in  common  use  in  Spain  and  her  quon- 
dam colonies,  were  originally  Carib. 

*  Many  of  the  early  chroniclers  write  "  Piru  "  for  "  Peru."  It 
would  appear  that  "  I'un  et  I'autre  se  disait  "  in  those  times. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  29 

ciate  La  Gasca,  and  did  good  service  in  the  rebellion  of  the 
Pizarros. 

Quesada  all  the  time  was  in  a  miserable  plight  hemmed 
up  against  the  river  bank,  which  was  perpetually  in  flood, 
as  the  rainy  season  had  begun,  with  swamps  on  every  side 
of  him,  and  his  men  falling  sick  of  fevers  from  their  exposure 
to  the  sun.  Provisions  almost  were  exhausted,  and  game 
existed  in  such  small  quantities  that  they  could  not  rely 
upon  it,  even  if  they  had  not  been  forced  to  economize  their 
powder,  as  if  each  grain  of  it  were  gold. 

The  Indians  attacked  him,  coming  down  in  their  canoes 
concealed  in  floating  vegetation,  and  every  wound  their 
poisoned  arrows  caused  was  almost  certain  death. 

In  this  extremity  he  sent  a  message  to  Santa  Marta  to 
ask  for  fresh  provisions  and  reinforcements,  for,  owing  to 
the  deadly  climate  and  the  perpetual  fighting,  he  had 
already  lost  two  hundred  of  his  men.  Passing  Malambo  in 
his  canoe,  the  messenger  encountered  Captains  Cardoso  and 
Manjarres  with  three  more  vessels,  that  the  indefatigable 
Adelantado  had  got  ready  and  dispatched.  They  were 
commanded  by  the  Licentiate  Juan  Gallegos,  a  man  "  of 
great  satisfaction,  valour,  and  confidence  "^ — that  is  to  say, 
the  Adelantado  had  great  confidence  in  him.  The  evil 
fortune  that  had  hitherto  accompanied  all  the  seagoing 
ventures  of  the  Adelantado  still  dogged  him,  for  a  caravel 
that  he  dispatched  to  overtake  and  join  Gallegos  ran  ashore 
on  a  shoal  at  the  mouth  of  the  Magdalena,  and  only  fifteen 
of  her  men  were  saved. 

The  other  three  vessels  had  set  sail  with  great  precaution, 
as  they  well  knew  the  dangers  amongst  those  ever-shifting 
shoals.  However,  having  got  through  without  mishap, 
probably  by  sounding  carefully,  as  not  a  chart  existed, 
and  the  few  sailing  directions  that  they  had,  dated  from 
El  Bachiller  Encisco's^  voyage  in  the  year  1515,  they  safely 

1  "  Persona  cle  gran  satisfaccion,  valor  y  coniianza."  Gallegos 
eventually  died  in  Peru,  fighting  under  the  Licentiate  La  Gasca 
against  the  Pizarros. 

2  The  Bachiller  Encisco  (another  lawyer)  was  dispatched  by 
Pedrarias  Davila,  the  Governor  of  Panama,  to  survey  the  coast. 


30  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

passed  the  shoals,  and  found  themselves  floating  on  the 
great  river  that  hitherto  had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  fleet. 
At  once  the  Indians  attacked  them.  From  creeks  and 
swamps,  out  of  the  recesses  of  the  dark  forest,  and  from 
their  shelters  behind  islands,  poured  such  flotillas  of  canoes 
that  the  whole  river  seemed  covered  with  them.  You  might 
have  walked  across  stepping  from  one  canoe  to  another, 
as  an  old  writer  says.  He  farther  on  avers  there  were  one 
thousand  of  them;  but  perhaps  his  illustration  is  to  the 
full  as  apt  as  his  arithmetic.  From  the  canoes  the  arrows 
fell  like  hail,  or,  rather,  like  a  flight  of  feathers  falling  from 
a  flock  of  cranes,  for  arrows  shot  from  the  loose-strung 
bows  of  the  river  Indian  make  hardly  any  sound. -^  The 
brigantines,  taking  advantage  of  their  sails,  plunged  right 
into  the  midst  of  the  canoes,  their  crews  sheltered  behind 
a  covering  of  stout  canvas,  and  ran  down  several  of  them. 
Not  being  able  to  go  about  with  any  speed  on  account  of 
their  build  and  the  swift  current  of  the  Magdalena,  the 
ships  got  separated,  and  then  the  Indians'  canoes  swarmed 
round  each  individual  vessel,  launching  their  arrows  and 
endeavouring  to  run  aboard.  The  brigantines  made  a  stout 
fight  with  some  small  cannons  they  carried  that  discharged 
"  reasonable-sized  bullets,"^  and  did  considerable  execution 
on  the  infidels. 

At  last  the  brigantines  broke  the  resistance  of  the  Indians, 
who  turned  and  fled,  leaving  the  river  covered  with  broken 
canoes  and  with  innumerable  dead  bodies  floating  on  it. 

The  Licenciate  Gallegos  was  now  free  to  prosecute  his 
voyage,  and  made  all  speed  to  join  Quesada,  who,  he  was 

His  soundings,  distances,  and  latitudes  are  strikingly  accurate. 
His  most  interesting  narrative,  entitled  "  La  Suma  de  Geografia 
del  Bachiller  Martin  Fernandez  de  Encisco,  Alguazil  Mayor  [a  legal 
dignity]  de  Castilla  del  Oro,"  was  published  in  Seville  in  15 19,  a 
long  time  before  the  foundation  of  Cartagena  and  Santa  Marta. 

*  Albert  Milligan  in  his  "  Adventures  of  an  Orchid-Hunter  " 
(London,  1891)  says  (p.  165),  in  speaking  of  an  Indian  attack  on 
the  Opon  River,  by  which  Quesada  penetrated  to  the  mountains. 
"  In  the  direction  from  which  the  arrows  came  we  heard  nothing — 
not  even  a  rustling  of  the  foliage." 

•^  Razonables  pelotas. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  31 

well  aware,  was  in  great  difficulties.  The  flooded  river, 
with  its  swift  stream  and  surface  full  of  trees  and  boughs, 
proved  almost  as  great  a  danger  as  had  the  Indians'  canoes. 

Knowing  nothing  of  the  seasons  at  that  time  they  (the 
Spaniards)  went  along,  making  discoveries  of  everything, 
including,  as  we  may  suppose,  the  seasons,  and  slowly 
gained  a  few  miles  every  day. 

How  anxiously  Quesada  looked  for  his  arrival  may  well 
be  imagined,  situated  in  such  a  desperate  condition  as  he 
was.  The  Adelantado  strained  every  nerve  to  help  him, 
knowing  well  that  on  the  exit  of  Quesada's  expedition  was 
hung  the  fate  of  his  new  government.  All  his  hopes  were 
centred  on  Quesada's  finding  gold,  for,  at  that  time,  they 
had  no  men  to  enter  into  agriculture,  even  had  the  Spaniards 
been  inclined  to  follow  it,  as  a  means  of  livelihood.  Nothing 
was  farther  from  their  thoughts.  They  came  to  seek  for 
gold,  to  court  adventure,  and,  incidentally,  to  spread  their 
faith  amongst  the  Indians.  The  gold  in  the  Indian  tombs 
of  the  Zinu^  had  been  collected,  and,  at  that  time,  the 
mines  in  Antioquia  had  never  been  explored.  In  Venezuela 
all  the  country  about  Maracaibo  and  El  Cabo  de  la  Vela 
had  been  searched  thoroughly,  and  no  gold  had  been  found. 
All  Santa  Marta  was  well  known,  and  it  was  thought  the 
province  was  of  little  value  as  it  contained  no  mines.  The 
Spaniards  of  those  days  had  never  dreamed  either  of  planting 
coffee  or  bananas,  industries  that  to-day  have  made  the 
country  prosperous  and  rich. 

Thus  all  depended  on  Quesada  finding  gold  in  the  interior, 
and  on  his  expedition  the  Adelantado  put  out  all  his  strength. 

As  ships  were  his  chief  want,  he  sent  off  Captain  Man- 
jarres  to  Santa  Domingo  to  build  three  brigantines  and  a 
good  caravel  .2 

This  Manjarres,  who,  not  unlikely,  was  an  Andaluz  from 
Seville  or  from  Malaga,  was  known  to  everyone  in  Santa 
Marta  as  a  sayer  of  sharp  things.      His  grace  consisted  in 

1  See  "Cartagena  and  the  Banks  of  the  Sinii,"  Cunninghame 
Graham.     London,  1920. 

2  Tres  bergantines  y  una  buena  carabela. 


32  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

a  faculty  to  put  apt  nicknames  to  almost  everyone.^  His 
wit  seems  to  have  led  to  his  undoing,  for,  on  arriving  in 
Hispaniola,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a  debt.  A  lady 
also  preferred  a  suit  against  him  for  breach  of  promise,  and 
the  witty  captain  found  himself  obliged  to  spend  a  good 
deal  of  the  money  which  should  have  gone  upon  the  ships 
to  satisfy  the  debt.  As  to  the  lady,  none  of  the  chroniclers 
have  set  down  how  Captain  Manjarres  settled  his  plea  with 
her.  Manjarres  assuredly  could  not  have  been  an  object 
likely  to  capture  the  affections  of  an  ordinary  woman,  for 
he  is  described  as  having  "  a  sun-dried  face,  a  hollow  belly, 
and  thin  legs  ";^  in  fact,  the  very  picture  of  the  baquiano^ 
that  he  was,  dressed  in  his  linen  clothes,  with  sandals  on 
his  feet,  and  perhaps  a  rusty  Spanish  helmet  on  his  head. 
Once  free  from  prison  and  his  affair  settled  with  the  offended 
lady,  he  set  to  work  in  earnest,  and  in  a  short  time  had  a 
brigantine  and  a  good  caravel  built. 

News  in  those  days  took  long  to  filter  from  one  place  to 
another,  and  so  Captain  Manjarres  never  knew  of  the  death 
of  the  Adelantado,  though  it  had  happened  shortly  after 
he  sailed  from  Santa  Marta,  until  a  year  had  passed.  Death 
took  Don  Pedro  in  the  midst  of  preparations  to  send  more 
reinforcements  to  Quesada,  worn  out  with  toil  and  by  the 
deadly  climate,  and  sick  at  heart  at  the  defection  of  his  son. 

He  was  indeed  the  father  of  the  republic."*  All  mourned 
his  loss  with  heartfelt  tears,  and  held  themselves  for  orphans,^ 
for  the  Adelantado  always  had  specially  befriended  widows, 
old  soldiers,  and  the  poor. 

We  have  no  portrait  of  him  from  the  pen  of  any  chronicler; 
but  it  seems  clear  he  was  of  a  noble  character,  upright  and 
just ;  a  man  not  to  be  dismayed  by  difficulties,  and  a  tenacious 
friend. 

His  lot  was  cast  in  a  place  that  had  been  the  grave  of 

^  Era   muy    chistoso    y    tenia    una    gracia    especial    en    poner 
apodos. 
^  Cara  tostada  del  sol  y  enjutas  piernas  y  barriga  flaca. 
^  "  Baquiano  "  may  here  be  taken  as  meaning  "  old  hand.' 
*  Habia  sido  padre  de  aquella  republica. 
^  Se  tenian  por  huerfanos. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  33 

many  reputations ;  blow  after  blow  of  evil  fortune  descended 
on  his  head,  and  yet  he  faced  them  manfully  and  died  in 
harness,  still  striving,  ever  contriving  to  make  Quesada's 
expedition  a  success,  like  a  Castilian  gentleman  of  those 
days,  steadfast  in  faith  and  with  his  face  toward  the  foe. 
Shortly  before  his  death  Don  Juan  Fernandez  de  Angulo 
had  arrived  from  Spain  as  the  first  bishop  of  the  unlucky 
colony.  This  prelate  was  with  Don  Pedro  at  his  death, 
gave  him  the  last  rites  of  the  Church,  and  buried  him.^ 
He  also  composed  his  epitaph  in  what  Fray  Simon  describes 
as  elegant  distichs  in  which  he  wrote  down  "  some  of  the 
much  that  he  could  have  said  about  his  person. "^  The 
Latin  seems  a  thought  canine,  although  it  has  a  pawky  ring 
about  it  in  the  last  hemistich,  that  redeems  it  from  banality. 
Quesada,  who  was  all  afire  to  start,  as  both  his  spirit  and 
his  courage  spurred  him  on,^  as  soon  as  he  was  joined  by 
Manjarres  with  his  brigantine  and  caravel,  set  his  course 
again  upstream.  When  he  left  Chiriguana,  where  he  had 
been  so  long  delayed,  he  was  guided  by  some  Spaniards  whom 
he  found  living  with  the  Indians.  It  is  supposed  they  were 
deserters  from  the  expedition,  made  about  a  year  before, 
by  the  German  General  Ambrosio  Alfinger,^  who  set  out 
from  Venezuela,  and,  after  suffering  great  hardships,  had 
to  return  with  the  loss  of  great  part  of  his  men. 

1  Don  Juan  Fernandez  de  Angulo,  the  first  Bishop  of  Santa  Marta, 
subsequently  became  Bishop  of  Bogota. 

2  Cifro  algo,  de  lo  mucho  de  su  persona,  que  se  podia  decir. 
The  distich  runs  as  follows : 

Hac  Dominus  Petrus  Fernandez  conditur  urna 
Excelsus  maritis,  prosperitate  minor 
Expensis  multis,  quaesivit  barbara  regna 
Indicat  ipse  viam 
Sustulit  alter  opes. 

8  Porque  el  brio  y  valor  le  ponian  espuelas. 

*  Alfinger,  a  German  in  the  Spanish  service,  started  from  Mara- 
caibo  in  1530,  to  make  an  expedition  to  the  interior.  He  went  due 
west,  and  entering  El  Valle  de  Upar,  in  what  is  now  Colombian 
territory,  traversed  it  for  the  first  time,  committing  hideous  cruelties 
upon  the  unfortunate  Indians.  No  Spaniard  in  any  of  the  conquests 
equalled  him  in  barbarity,  and,  though  an  able  and  a  dauntless 

3 


34  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

The  guides  soon  lost  their  way  and  led  the  expedition 
into  a  country  entirely  uninhabited,  in  which  they  wandered 
for  twelve  days.  Luckily  game,  especially  deer,  was 
plentiful.  Their  horses,  having  rested  at  Chiriguana,  were 
in  good  condition,  and  so  the  mounted  men  were  able  to 
kill  many  of  the  deer,  by  coursing  them  with  spears.  The 
deer  were  fat  and  tame,  never  having  seen  horses,  and  very 
seldom  men,  except  the  Indians  who  occasionally  ventured 
into  the  uninhabited  tract  of  country  in  pursuit  of  game. 
Had  this  not  been  the  case,  it  seems  impossible  that  the 
Spaniards  could  have  killed  them  with  their  spears.  Those 
who  have  lassoed  horses  in  the  open  can  judge  how  much 
more  difficult  it  would  be  to  approach  near  enough  to  lance 
a  deer,  even  when  mounted  on  an  active  horse.  At  last 
the  expedition  came  on  an  Indian  town,  and,  "  taking 
tongue  "^  with  them,  found  that  they  were  still  in  the 
province  of  Tamalameque.  All  the  land  in  it  is  intersected 
by  lakes  and  swamps  that  generally  have  outlets  to  the 
Magdalena,  and,  as  they  had  no  guides,  nor  anyone  to 
interpret  with  the  Indians,  it  was  impossible  to  march. 

The  Cacique  Tamalameque  had  withdrawn  himself  to  an 
island  in  the  Lake  of  Parabuy,  as  he  had  suffered  from 
Alfinger's  expedition,  who  had  attacked  the  place. 

In  Alfinger's  time,  having  no  boats  to  cross  to  the  island, 
the  Spaniards  mounted  their  horses,^  and,  swimming  over, 

leader,  his  memory  is  held  in  execration  for  his  bloodthirstiness. 
After  enduring  many  hardships,  and  committing  countless  cruelties, 
Alfinger  was  killed  in  battle  in  the  valley  of  Chinacota,  as  he  was 
returning  to  Maracaibo  with  a  considerable  amount  of  spoil. 

1  Tomando  lengua. 

2  This  feat  was  repeated  by  the  Llaneros  of  General  Paez,  in 
Venezuela,  during  the  War  of  Independence.  Seeing  some  Spanish 
gunboats  anchored  in  the  Orinoco,  he  sent  a  regiment  of  cavalry 
to  take  possession  of  them.  These  men,  Llaneros  from  the  great 
plains  upon  the  Orinoco,  half  centaurs  and  half  canoemen,  as  much 
at  home  in  the  water  as  on  land,  stripping  themselves  naked,  leaped 
on  their  barebacked  horses,  with  their  lances  in  their  hands,  and, 
swimming  out,  attacked  the  gunboats  with  such  ferocity  that  they 
were  forced  to  yield.  A  wondrous  combat,  with  something  classical 
about  it,  that  needs  a  painter  to  commemorate  it  properly. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  35 

put  the  place  to  sack.  The  chief  escaped,  and  this  had  made 
him  wary,  so  his  canoes  had  all  been  taken  over  and 
secured.  On  this  occasion,  Quesada  did  not  have  to  swim 
his  men  across,  for  Captain  Manjarres,  with  his  brigantine 
and  caravel,  covered  the  Spaniards'  advance  along  a  neck 
of  land  from  which  they  all  could  wade  across. 

Quesada,  having  found  plenty  of  provisions  in  Tama- 
lameque,  decided  to  rest  a  while  after  his  twelve  days' 
wandering  in  the  wilds.  Moreover,  Tamalameque  was  the 
farthest  point  to  which  any  of  the  colonists  from  Santa 
Marta  had  attained. 

In  front  of  him  all  was  more  absolutely  wrapped  in 
mystery  than  is  the  remotest  portion  of  the  world  to-day. 
The  enormous  yellow  river,  a  mile  or  more  in  breadth, 
flowed  through  high  walls  of  vegetation.  Flora  and  fauna, 
climate,  the  inhabitants,  even  the  seasons  were  unknown 
to  any  European.  As,  after  Tamalameque,  the  river  takes 
a  southern  turn,  the  latitude  was  quickly  lowering,  and  thus 
the  very  heavens  took  on  an  unfamiliar  air.  The  Great 
Bear  now  had  sunk  into  the  northern  hemisphere;  above 
their  heads  the  Southern  Cross,  inferior  to  the  Bear  perhaps 
in  brightness,  but  far  more  mellow  in  its  effulgence,  was 
the  one  friendly  thing  they  saw,  and  that  only  on  account 
of  its  supposed  resemblance  to  the  emblem  of  their  faith. 
The  birds  and  smallest  insects  differed  entirely  from  those 
that  they  had  ever  seen  or  heard  about:  the  vampire  bats, 
the  gigantic  boas,  and  the  alligators  were  terrible  and  awe- 
inspiring.  For  all  they  knew,  the  recesses  of  the  woods 
might  still  hold  stranger  monsters,  as  huge  and  terrifying 
as  the  great  beasts  that  walked  the  earth  before  the  waters 
of  the  Flood. 

In  spite  of  the  uncertainty,  and  notwithstanding  all 
his  difficulties,  a  sort  of  exaltation  seemed  to  possess 
Quesada,  as  is  the  case  with  all  men  born  to  command. 
His  confidence  inspired  his  followers  with  hope.  For  the 
time  being  they  had  lost  touch  with  the  Magdalena,  having 
been  led  into  the  swamps  that  fringe  its  banks  in  many  places. 
Quesada  therefore  sent  Captain  San  Martin  to  get  back  to 


36  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

the  river,  and  find  a  way  by  which  the  army  could  advance. 
This  Captain  San  Martin  was  one  of  the  best  officers  Quesada 
had,  and  was  a  man  of  education,  as  the  curious,  but,  un- 
fortunately too  brief,  account  of  the  expedition  that  he 
and  Captain  Lebrija  prepared  for  Charles  V.  most  amply 
testifies.^ 

Captain  San  Martin  pushed  on,  with  "  Spanish  courage, 
to  which  everything  possible  seems  easy."^  In  the  first 
place,  he  had  to  cross  the  Rio  Cesar ,2  though  how  he  managed 
it  is  difficult  to  understand.  The  river  is  a  full  half-mile 
in  breadth,  runs  swiftly,  and  is  full  of  alligators.  Having 
crossed  over,  San  Martin  encamped,  having  placed  an 
outpost  to  protect  Quesada  when  he  resumed  his  march. 

Quesada  still  was  waiting  for  his  fleet,  encamped  near 
Tamalameque,  in  a  pestilential  swamp,  losing  men  every 
day  by  fever,  snake-bite,  and  in  perpetual  skirmishes. 

After  twenty  days  of  waiting,  with  nothing  but  conflicting 
rumours  of  the  fleet  brought  to  him  by  the  Indians,  and,  as 
often  contradicted,  he  set  out  to  join  Captain  San  Martin 
at  his  camp  on  the  Rio  Cesar.  By  this  time  San  Martin 
had  got  together  a  fleet  of  canoes,  so  that  Quesada's  army 
passed  the  river  in  safety,  though  with  considerable  risk, 
as  it  was  a  perilous  passage  for  raw  soldiers.^ 

This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  considering  how  ticklish 

1  "  Relacion  de  los  Capitanes  Sanmartin  y  Lebrija,"  translated 
into  French  in  Ternaux  Compans,  "  Essai  sur  I'ancien  Cundina- 
marca  "  (Paris,  1842).  Cundinamarca  comprehended  the  prov-inces 
of  Bogota,  Velez,  Pamplona,  La  Grita,  Merida,  Muso,  Ebate,  Panches, 
Neiba,  Muequetares,  Sutagaos,  Ubaque,  Funza,  Lengupa,  Sogamoso, 
and  Chita.  All  these  territories  now  form  part  of  Colombia.  They 
were  all  conquered  by  Quesada. 

2  Con  animo  espafiol,  d  quien  todo  lo  posible  le  parece  facil. 

3  This  river  was  named  after  Captain  Cesar,  the  best  of  Heredia's 
captains.  His  career  was  adventurous,  even  beyond  most  of  the 
captains  of  those  days.  In  one  respect  he  excelled  nearly  all  of 
them,  for  he  was  renowned  for  his  good  treatment  of  the  Indians. 
His  chivalrous  conduct  to  Don  Pedro  de  Heredia,  when  the  latter 
was  imprisoned  by  his  enemies,  marks  him  out  as  a  man  of  real 
nobility.  For  an  account  of  his  adventures  see  "  Cartagena  and  the 
Banks  of  the  Sinii,"  Cunninghame  Graham.     London,  1920. 

*  Era  pasage  bien  peligroso  para  chapetones. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  37 

an  embarkation  is  a  dug-out  canoe.  The  slightest  move- 
ment (of  a  chapeton)  upsets  it,  and  to  hold  horses'  halters 
as  they  swim  beside  adds  to  the  difficulty  and  risk.  Yet 
all  the  horses  had  to  be  passed  that  way,  for  to  have  let 
them  loose  to  swim  across  would  have  been  to  expose  them 
to  getting  lost  amongst  the  woods  after  they  landed  on  the 
farther  side.  As  they  swam  by  the  frail  canoes,  the  paddlers 
must  have  had  to  keep  a  careful  eye  upon  them,  to  adjust 
the  pace  to  the  worst  swimmer,  for  horses  differ  greatly  in 
the  water,  some  swimming  with  their  backs  exposed  and 
heads  held  high,  leaving  a  wake  like  an  electric  launch,  and 
others  are  almost  entirely  submerged,  except  their  faces, 
and  look  like  tired  fish  ready  to  be  taken  in  a  landing-net. 

Having  crossed  the  Rio  Cesar,  the  expedition  once  more 
came  out  upon  the  banks  of  the  Magdalena. 

It  must  have  been  a  dreadful  march  they  had  to  execute. 
No  one  who  does  not  know  by  personal  experience  the 
banks  of  rivers  such  as  the  Magdalena,  the  Orinoco,  or  the 
Amazon,  can  form  the  least  idea  of  the  difficulties  troops 
would  encounter  on  the  march,  even  to-day,  if  they  were 
forced  to  hug  the  rivers'  banks. 

Quesada  had  no  option,  for  he  was  sent  to  discover  the 
sources  of  the  Magdalena,  and,  as  no  maps  existed,  and  he 
had  not  the  least  idea  of  his  itinerary,  the  river  was  the 
only  guide  he  could  rely  upon.  Few  rivers  in  the  world  can 
have  a  denser  vegetation  growing  on  their  banks ;  few  streams 
can  be  more  absolutely  shut  in  between  high  walls  of  vegeta- 
tion even  to-day,  when  there  are  settlements  at  intervals, 
with  clearings  here  and  there,  and  wood  stations  for  the 
steamboats,  that  naturally  cut  deep  into  the  primeval  growth. 

Swamps  often  extend  at  a  short  distance  from  the  banks, 
and  these  are  intersected  here  and  there  with  deep  and 
sluggish  streams,  known  locally  as  "  cahos,"  usually  un- 
fordable.  Floods  often  sweep  the  river,  almost  without 
warning,  and  in  Quesada's  time,  when  there  was  no  possi- 
bility of  receiving  any  information  from  the  upper  waters 
of  the  stream  as  to  their  coming,  they  must  have  con- 
stituted a  peril  difficult  to  meet. 

454119 


38  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  OUESADA 

Quesada  all  the  while  was  striving  to  reach  the  province 
of  Sampollon,  for  it  was  known  by  Indian  report  to  be  both 
fertile  and  well  cultivated. 

Still  between  him  and  it  lay  many  leagues  of  what  turned 
out  a  veritable  via  crucis  to  him  and  to  his  men. 

Simon  and  Piedrahita,  as  well  as  Castellanos,^  tell  us  of 
the  difficulties  they  had  to  meet.  Rivers  and  marshes, 
illness,  great  tracts  of  flooded  ground,  mountains,  and 
deluges  by  night  and  day,  they  had  to  resist  upon  an  empty 
stomach,  for  if  the  proverb,  "  Every  evil  is  bearable  with 
bread,"  says  sooth,  the  reverse  must  be  the  case  that 
"  Every  evil,  wanting  bread,  is  greater." 

Nothing  in  any  work  of  the  imagination  can  exceed  the 
perils  that  Quesada  had  to  face:  neither  Pizarro  nor  Cortes 
experienced  a  tithe  of  the  material  hardships  that  he  under- 
went. They  fought  with  hordes  of  savage  men;  but  still 
they  had  superior  arms  and  discipline  to  those  they  fought 
with,  and  the  great  advantage  of  their  cavalry. 

Quesada  fought  in  the  first  instance  against  a  hostile 
nature,  vastly  more  powerful  and  challenging  than  any 
that  mankind  had  known  before  his  time.  He  had  to 
break  his  way  into  the  fastnesses  of  a  world  that  put  out 
all  its  strength  in  heat  and  rain,  in  floods,  in  pestilences,  in~ 
monstrous  and  invading  vegetation  that  overflowed  the 
paths  his  "  macheteros  "  cut  through  it,  and  obliterated 
them  almost  as  fast  as  they  were  made.  Hunger  and  thirst 
— those  enemies  against  which  the  modern  soldier,  with  all 
his  discipline  and  courage,  hardly  resists  two  days — were 
with  him  constantly,  the  handmaidens  of  death. 

No  wonder  that  in  the  deadly  march  to  Sampollon, 
Quesada  lost  a  hundred  of  his  men.  They  died  like  bugs,^ 
as  goes  the  homely  Spanish  saying,  and  many  of  the  rest 
were  ill;  especially  privations  took  their  toll  of  the  poor 

*  A  cada  paso  .  .  .  venian  rios,  cienegas,  enfermedades,  anega- 
dizos,  espesisimas  montafias  .  .  .  aguaceros  terribles  de  dia  y  de 
noche  .  .  .  estomagos  vacios  mal  se  resisten  aquellas  inclemencias, 
pues  si  el  refran  dice,  "  todos  los  duelos  con  pan  son  buenos,"  tam- 
bien  valdria  lo  contrario,  "  todos  los  duelos  sin  pan  son  mayores." 

2  Morian  como  chinches. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  g 

chapetones,  the  soldiers,  with  their  red  cheeks  and  sturdy 
legs,  who  a  few  months  ago  had  disembarked  from  Spain. 
Only  the  "  baquianos,"  with  their  sun-tanned  faces,  small 
bellies,  and  thin  legs  like  flutes,  were  proof  against  the 
climate,  for  to  them  hunger,  thirst,  and  the  sun  shining 
through  a  white  miasmic  vapour  were  everyday  occur- 
rences. 

Quesada,  either  on  foot  leading  his  horse,  his  armour 
piled  upon  its  back,  possibly  covered  against  the  sun  with 
the  same  helmet  that  to-day  is  hung  up  bruised  and  rusty 
as  a  monument  in  Bogota,  or,  with  a  machete  in  his  hand, 
marching  beside  the  pioneers,  appeared  invulnerable. 

His  spirits  never  fell,  and  so  far  he  had  had  no  fever,  and 
his  iron  will  maintained  the  spirit  of  his  men.  Provisions 
had  run  short,  and  the  small  store  of  powder  that  he  had 
was  growing  mouldy  with  the  constant  rain. 

The  expedition's  fate  seemed  sealed,  and  it  appeared  that 
all  of  them  would  leave  their  bones  to  rot  in  the  Magdalenian 
wilds,  for  antiquaries  to  find  some  day  and  found  their 
theories  on. 

As  a  last  resort  he  halted,  and  once  more  sent  out  Captain 
San  Martin,  with  his  good  caravel,  to  seek  for  tidings  of 
the  fleet. 


CHAPTER  IV 

This  time  Captain  San  Martin  was  more  successful  in  his 
quest.  After  a  day  or  two  of  sailing  downstream  he  came 
upon  the  vessels  slowly  struggling  against  the  current,  and 
obliged  to  anchor  every  night  for  fear  of  Indian  attacks. 

They  only  sailed  when  they  encountered  a  fair  wind. 
Often  it  blew  dead  ahead;  and  then,  hugging  the  shore, 
they  progressed  painfully  by  rowing,  punting,  and  by  towing 
from  the  bank.  Thus  do  the  curious  Colombian  craft, 
called  "  bongos,"  ascend  the  Magdalena,  their  high  and 
ornamented  bows  giving  them  an  air  of  caravels.  Their 
low  waists,  with  but  a  foot  or  so  of  freeboard,  have  a  palm- 
leaf  awning  over  them,  and  the  high  stern  completes  the 
likeness  to  a  vessel  of  Quesada's  time. 

As  a  general  rule,  a  gang  of  punters,  standing  on  a  plat- 
form, urge  them  along,  working  like  galley-slaves,  to  the 
cadence  of  a  chanty,  the  perspiration  falling  off  their  half- 
naked  bodies  like  dew  falls  from  a  corrugated-iron  roof,  and 
with  blood  oozing  from  their  right  armpit,  for  against  it 
they  throw  their  weight  upon  the  pole. 

When,  after  several  days'  delay,  the  fleet  reached  Sam- 
pollon,  the  joy  was  general  through  Quesada's  camp  at 
Chingale.^ 

1  There  has  always  been  some  doubt  as  to  where  the  actual  town 
of  Tamalameque  was  situated  in  those  days,  for  it  is  certain  that  the 
modern  town  does  not  occupy  its  site.  Recent  investigations  have 
shown  that  the  Cacique  Tamalameque's  chief  residence  was  in  the 
island  or  peninsula  in  the  lake,  over  which  General  Alfinger's  soldiers 
swam  their  horses.  It  is  described  as  "  de  aspecto  gracioso,"  and 
was  composed  of  three  streets  terminating  in  a  square,  with  the 
cacique's  palace  in  the  centre.  The  Spaniards  first  founded  the  town 
on  the  bank  of  the  river  opposite  to  the  town  of  Mompox.  They  then 
removed  it  a  little  higher  up,  on  a  small  plain.     This  place  is  now 

40 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  41 

Quesada  had  almost  given  up  all  hope,  but  the  arrival 
of  the  fleet  renewed  the  spirits  of  his  men.  For  almost 
three  months  they  had  been  without  news  from  their  base, 
and  though  the  most  important  news  of  all,  the  death  of 
the  Adelantado,  did  not  reach  them,  as  the  fleet  had  sailed 
before  he  died,  it  yet  brought  letters  from  the  soldiers' 
families. 

For  the  first  time  since  they  had  sailed  from  Santa  Marta, 
the  expedition  had  a  little  bread  and  a  few  barrels  of 
Castilian  wine.  They  also  got  some  linen,  with  which  they 
bound  up  their  wounds,  anointing  them  with  oil. 

Spirits  rose  high  again,  and  the  army  clamoured  to 
advance.  Quesada,  who  was  above  all  things  a  most 
cautious  leader,  as  well  as  valiant  in  the  field,  would  not 
consent  to  it  until  the  fleet  had  rested  for  a  week.  Scouts 
were  sent  out,  and  everything  as  far  as  possible  arranged  for 
their  departure  into  the  unknown. 

Before  they  started  Quesada  gathered  his  forces  all 
together  and  addressed  them.  His  speech  is  reported  or 
written  by  his  chief  chronicler.^ 

"  The  natural  grief  I  feel,  gentlemen,  at  the  loss  and 
death  of  so  many  friends,  does  not  drive  me  to  despair. 
Grief  is  a  part  of  our  nature,  in  spite  of  what  the  Stoics 
preach.  .  .  .  Those  who  set  out  for  wars  or  conquests  put 
themselves  into  close  touch  with  death,  and  this  is  the  first 

known  as  Old  Tamalameque.  In  1608  it  was  moved  to  the  plains 
of  Chingale,  where  it  still  stands.  The  reason  of  these  changes  of 
site  is  most  curious.  It  appears  the  priest  of  the  parish,  El  Licen- 
ciado  Bartolomd  Balzera,  was  frequently  at  loggerheads  with  the 
civil  authorities.  When  he  could  not  get  his  own  way,  he  packed 
the  sacred  images  and  the  chapel  bell  upon  his  Indians'  shoulders, 
and,  shaking  off  the  dust  (or  mud)  from  his  sandals,  used  to  put  up 
a  temporary  altar  in  another  place.  The  civil  authorities,  unwilling 
to  be  left  without  the  consolations  of  religion,  used  to  follow  him, 
and  found  it  more  convenient  to  build  new  houses  round  the  chapel 
of  their  "  mustang  "  priest  than  to  attend  Mass  from  afar.  This 
curious  bit  of  information  Colonel  Acosta  ("Descubrimiento  de  la 
Nueva  Granada")  unearthed  in  "La  Floresta  de  Santa  Marta," 
by  Nicolas  de  la  Rosa. 
1  Fray  Simon. 


42  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

rule  of  every  war.  .  .  .  That  two  of  our  companions  have 
deserted  us — I  mean  Don  Diego  de  Urbina  and  Don  Diego 
de  Cordova — I  care  but  little  for.  I  rather  hold  it  an 
advantage,  as  we  know  now  what  sort  of  men  they  were.  .  .  . 
Lastly,  because  a  ship  sinks  in  a  storm,  is  that  a  reason  men 
should  never  put  to  sea  again  ?  Because  a  crossbowman 
misses  his  aim,  is  that  a  reason  crossbows  should  be  laid 
aside  ?"i 

Quesada  was  a  lengthy  speaker,  as  befits  a  lawyer;  but,  as 
in  the  case  of  Xenophon  upon  a  similar  occasion,  he  did  not 
make  the  least  appeal  to  sentiment.  His  harangue  appears 
to  have  been  what  in  North  Britain,  in  speaking  of  a  sermon, 
is  called  a  "  cold  morality  " — merely  an  appeal  to  honour 
and  to  common  sense.  After  his  examples  and  his  apothegms 
so  dear  to  Spaniards,  he  went  on  to  say  that : 

"  It  would  be  an  infamy  to  return  with  nothing  done. 
Therefore  (he  said)  I  order  all  to  be  ready  by  the  first  streak 
of  dawn,  for  I  intend  to  start  as  soon  as  it  is  light." 

An  admirable  address  if  he  did  make  it,  and,  if  he  did  not, 
he  who  wrote  it  well  caught  the  spirit  of  the  man.  Certainly 
it  attained  its  object,  for  all  night  long  the  camp  rang  with 
the  din  of  preparations. 

Armourers  sharpened  swords,  crossbowmen  looked  out 
new  strings  for  their  weapons,  lances  were  pointed,  horses 
shod  for  the  last  time,  and  stores  packed  carefully  in  canvas 
to  resist  the  damp. 

At  the  smile  of  dawn^  an  altar  was  set  up,  and  Father 
Antonio  de  Lescano  said  Mass  at  it.  That  first  Mass  on 
the.banks  of  the  Magdalena  must  have  been  a  moving  sight. 
The  soldiers  knelt  on  the  wet  grass,  girt  with  their  swords, 
their  lances  and  their  crossbows  in  their  hands.  The  thin 
white  vapour  that  envelops  everything  at  that  hour  on  the 
Magdalena  shrouding  the  forest  in  its  mysterious  folds, 
making  the  trees  look  ghostly,  and  the  swirling  stream  a  very 
Styx  or  Periphlegethon ;  the  dewdrops  falling  from  the  great 
leaves  of  unnamed  trees,  the  cries  of  the  nocturnal  animals 

1  The  translation  is  not  literal,  but  gives  the  sense  of  what  Quesada 
said. 

2  Al  reir  el  alba. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  43 

returning  from  their  prowlings  to  lie  hidden  in  the  woods 
must  have  made  an  impression  on  those  fierce  and  fervent 
Christians  not  to  be  effaced. 

Out  in  the  river  lay  the  fleet,  the  Lions  and  the  Castles  of 
Castile  hanging  down  limp  against  the  masts  in  the  damp 
morning  air,  heavy  and  dank  with  dew.  Upon  their  decks 
the  sailors  knelt  bareheaded,  straining  their  eyes  towards 
the  priest  who  knelt  before  the  altar  on  the  bank,  striving  to 
hear  the  words  of  comfort  in  a  tongue  unknown,  and  there- 
fore doubly  sacred  to  them. 

Quesada,  with  his  rapier  by  his  side,  dressed  in  his  buff 
coat,  and  with  the  helmet  in  his  hand  that  every  son  of 
Bogota  should  revere,  just  as  an  Englishman  reveres  the 
armour  of  the  Black  Prince  at  Canterbury,  knelt  just  behind 
the  priest. 

Turning  towards  the  kneeling  ranks,  Father  Antonio 
gave  the  benediction,  making  large  in  the  air  the  sign  of  their 
salvation,  under  whose  segis  they  were  about  to  carry  death 
and  destruction  through  the  land.  The  soldiers  crossed 
themselves,  first  on  the  breast,  and  then  in  Spanish  fashion, 
on  the  mouth.  Quesada,  rising  from  his  feet,  mounted  his 
horse,  gave  a  brief  order,  and  the  expedition  set  forth  again 
upon  its  Calvary. 

The  instant  that  they  left  the  river  they  found  themselves 
once  more  in  the  impenetrable  woods,  for  it  was  quite 
impossible  to  march  upon  the  actual  banks,  as  they  were 
swampy  and  often  swept  by  floods. 

They  had  again  to  cut  their  way  through  the  tangled  mass 
of  vegetation.  Captain  Inza,  at  the  head  of  the  axemen 
and  the  macheteros,  set  manfully  to  work,  opening  the 
way  through  solitudes  never  before  trodden  by  human  foot, 
for  the  Indians'  only  highway  was  the  river  that  they 
travelled  in  canoes.  The  paths  they  made  served  for  two 
purposes.  In  the  first  place,  as  it  was  opened,  the  army 
followed  it,  and  in  the  second,  as  they  blazed  the  trail,^  it 
remained  to  guide  them,  just  as  to-day  the  telegraph  stretches 

1  To  blaze  a  trail  is  to  cut  large  pieces  of  bark  off  the  trees  at 
intervals. 


44  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

through  the  selfsame  woods  and  points  the  way  for  the  rare 
travellers. 

The  difficulties  of  road-making  were  so  great  that  it  often 
took  a  week  for  the  pioneers  to  open  up  a  path  that  the 
expedition  traversed  in  a  day.  The  long-expected  fleet  had 
relieved  Quesada  of  his  sick  men,  of  whom  he  had  a  large 
contingent,  and  it  was  lucky  for  him  that  he  could  dis- 
embarrass himself  of  .them,  for  the  route  in  front  of  him 
daily  became  more  difficult  and  dangerous.  Rain  fell 
incessantly,  and  the  poor  soldiers'  clothes  rotted  and  went 
to  pieces  on  their  backs.  The  wasps  and  hornets,  sandflies, 
mosquitoes,  and  reptiles  of  all  sorts,  made  theirlives  miserable. 
By  night  the  vampire  bats  fixed  on  their  feet  or  legs,  if  they 
were  in  the  least  exposed,  and  sucked  their  blood,  fanning 
their  victims  all  the  time  so  gently  with  their  wings  that 
they  were  unaware  of  anything,  till  in  the  morning  they 
awoke  weak  and  exhausted  from  the  loss  of  blood. ^ 

The  misery  the  expedition  underwent  must  have  been 
almost  impossible  to  estimate.'^  The  provisions  soon  turned 
mouldy  in  spite  of  all  precautions,  and,  as  game  is  scarce 
and  hard  to  find  in  the  forests  of  the  Magdalena  valley, 
starvation  stared  them  in  the  face. 

So  great  was  their  necessity  that  no  one  would  help  even 

^  Their  horses  also  must  have  suffered  terribly  from  the  attacks 
of  bats.  Nothing  is  more  common  than  in  those  portions  of  America, 
between  the  tropics,  to  find  a  horse  that  in  the  evening  you  have 
left,  active  and  strong,  munching  his  maize  under  a  tree,  in  the 
morning  weak  and  languid  and  scarcely  fit  to  move.  If  you  are  a 
•'  baquiano,"  you  lift  his  mane  and  find  his  neck  clotted  with  blood, 
from  a  small  puncture  that  the  bat  has  made.  A  horse  seems  never 
to  feel  the  bat ;  nor  does  a  sleeping  man. 

2  Castellanos  (Juan  de),  "  Elegias  de  Varones  Ilustres  do  Indias," 
has  a  passage  describing  the  wretchedness  of  the  soldiers: 

Cubiertos  van  de  llagas  y  de  granos 
Cansados  de  las  dichas  ocasiones 
En  vida  los  comian  los  guisanos 
Que  nacen  por  espaldas  y  pulmones. 

As  Castellanos  had  been  a  soldier  in  the  expedition,  he  knew  what 
he  was  writing  about.  In  after  years  he  took  holy  orders  and  for 
many  years  was  a  priest  at  Tunja. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  45 

his  greatest  friend.  Through  the  deep  mud,  torn  by  the 
thorns,  starving,  covered  with  boils  from  head  to  foot,  the 
wretched  soldiers  staggered  on,  looking  like  an  army  of 
the  damned.  When  a  man  found  he  could  not  keep  up  with 
the  rest,  he  crawled  into  the  thickest  of  the  jungle  to  die 
alone,  after  the  fashion  of  a  stricken  animal.  Along  this 
Via  Dolorosa  Quesada  led  his  men,  sharing  their  hunger  and 
their  misery. 

So  weak  the  soldiers  got  at  last  that,  when  a  man  felt 
his  strength  ebbing,  he  confessed  himself  to  one  of  the 
two  priests  and  received  absolution.  Then  he  marched  on 
until  he  fell.  As  the  expedition  struggled  on,  a  fleet  of 
Indian  canoes  followed  just  out  of  range  of  the  crossbows 
and  harquebuses,  and  when  they  saw  a  soldier  fall  out  of 
the  ranks  they  pounced  upon  him  like  a  vulture  pounces  on 
a  piece  of  carrion,  and  drove  their  spears  through  him. 
Thus,  as  several  of  the  historians  of  the  time  lament,  not 
only  was  a  soldier  lost  to  Spain,  but  an  unshrived  soul 
doomed  to  perdition,  and  upon  that  account  they  hit  upon 
the  plan  of  receiving  the  confession  of  all  those  who  felt 
that  they  were  doomed. 

If  the  Spanish  soldiers  died  like  flies,  the  Indian  carriers' 
fate,  bowed  underneath  the  weight  of  the  provisions  and 
the  baggage,  was  harder  still  to  bear.  There  is  no  record 
that  Quesada  treated  them  with  cruelty  as  did  Ambrosio 
Alfinger,  the  Venezuelan  general,  who,  as  his  carriers  were  all 
chained  together,  when  one  of  them  was  ill,  straightway  cut 
off  his  head  and  let  the  body  drop  out  of  the  chain;  but  for 
all  that  their  lot  must  have  been  hard  to  bear.  The  Indians, 
born  as  free  as  the  wild  deer,  were  quite  unfit  for  sustained 
work  of  any  kind.  Confinement  usually  proved  fatal  to  them, 
and  chains  and  labour  they  never  could  endure.  So  that  by 
the  time  Quesada  had  been  two  months  on  the  road  most  of  his 
carriers  were  dead.  The  soldiers,  then,  were  forced  to  carry 
both  baggage  and  provisions,  for,  though  they  piled  a  good 
deal  of  them  on  the  horses,  a  horse  was  far  too  precious  to 
them  to  risk  his  strength  by  overloading  him. 

After  three  weeks  of  forced  delays  in  camp,  to  give  the 


46  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

pioneers  time  to  cut  a  path  for  them,  they  reached  "  a 
valiant  river,  whose  waters  were  like  blood. "^  Upon  this 
river  they  were  constrained  to  camp,  to  await  the  arrival 
of  the  fleet  to  ferry  them  across.  Some  slung  their  Iiammocks 
in  the  trees,  and  some  built  little  shelters,^  thatching  them 
with  leaves,  for  they  had  not  sufficient  tents  for  all. 

In  the  first  watch  they  heard  a  voice  calling  out:  "  Help, 
friends,  a  tiger  is  carrying  me  off;  for  God's  sake  help  !" 
The  whole  camp  stood  to  arms,  and  when  the  tiger  saw 
the  torches  he  left  his  prey  wounded  and  bleeding  on  the 
ground. 

They  hung  the  hammock  up  on  a  higher  branch,  thinking 
to  make  the  wounded  occupant  of  it  secure  from  all  attack. 
However,  in  the  morning  watch  ,^  the  tiger  silently  returned, 
and  carried  off  the  man  so  noiselessly  that  the  whole  camp 
slept  on,  and  no  one  was  alarmed. 

They  missed  the  soldier  in  the  morning,  and  found  his 
hammock  empty,  blood-stained,  and  torn,  hanging  down 
against  the  tree.  Then  they  went  out  upon  the  trail,  but 
never  found  a  vestige  of  the  poor  soldier,  whom  probably 
the  tiger  had  dragged  deep  into  the  woods. 

As  the  man's  name  was  Juan  Serrano,  they  called  the 
"  valiant  river  "  after  him,  and  it  still  bears  his  name. 

After  this  agitated  night  the  army  passed  the  river  next 
morning  in  the  brigantines. 

If  anything,  upon  the  other  side,  their  march  was  still 
more  arduous.  In  the  various  rivers  that  they  had  to 
cross  they  often  lost  a  man  or  two.  In  one  of  them  an 
alligator  seized  a  soldier,  one  Juan  Luengo,  and  made  off 
with  him,  in  spite  of  everything  that  his  companions  tried 
to  save  him.  His  death,  and  that  of  the  poor  soldier  Serrano 
whom  the  tiger  carried  off,  were  but  individual  calamities. 

1  Un  valiente  rio  que  echa  el  agua  una  sangre  bermeja.  "  Vali- 
ente  "  in  this  sense  means  "  great." 

2  Such  a  shelter,  thatched  with  leaves,  used  to  be  called  a  "  wickey- 
up  "  in  the  Western  States  of  North  America. 

3  "  El  cuarto  de  la  modorra  " — literally,  the  drowsy  watch.  Those 
who  have  kept  it  in  similar  circumstances  know  how  hard  it  is  to 
keep  awake  at  that  hour  in  the  drenching  dew  of  the  tropics. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  47 

A  universal  danger  now  began  to  menace  everybody. 
Provisions  had  become  entirely  exhausted,  and  the  soldiers 
had  to  support  themselves  on  the  rare  game  that  they  could 
find — on  palm  shoots  and  on  any  fruits  that  appeared 
edible.  As  few  of  them  had  any  experience  of  the  flora  of 
the  country,  many  of  them  lost  their  lives  by  eating  poisonous 
berries,  and  died  in  agony.  Their  salt  had  all  run  out  or 
had  been  melted  by  the  continuous  rains,  and  they  had 
nothing  with  which  to  season  anything  they  ate.  So  hard 
did  hunger  press  them,  that  they  devoured  rats,  mice,  and 
frogs,  and  boiled  pieces  of  their  buff  jackets  and  devoured 
them  greedily. 

The  army  that  at  the  passing  of  the  Rio  Serrano  had  been 
reduced  by  hunger,  fighting,  and  fevers,  to  two  hundred 
and  nine  men  all  told,  now  marched  along  like  living 
skeletons. 

On  several  occasions,  when  a  man  dropped  dead,  his 
starving  fellows  dragged  his  body  into  the  woods  and  fell 
upon  it  like  a  pack  of  wolves. 

Lastly,  one  or  two  of  the  horses  disappeared  mysteriously. 
This  was  more  than  Quesada  could  endure,  for  he  well  knew 
that  in  his  horses  consisted  his  main  strength.  After 
severely  reprimanding  all  his  followers,  he  added  that  any 
horse  that  died  should  instantly  be  thrown  into  the  river. 
This  saved  the  rest  of  them,  for  it  was  of  no  use  to  kill  a  horse 
to  feed  the  alligators. 

Quesada  now  was  at  his  wits'  end  what  to  do.  The  forests 
seemed  interminable,  the  rains  incessant,  and  nearly  every 
other  man  was  sick  with  fever  and  could  scarcely  hobble  on. 
Each  day  the  horsemen  were  sent  out  to  look  for  game, 
armed  with  their  lances  only,  for  they  could  not  afford  to 
use  the  little  powder  that  remained.  Even  the  crossbowmen 
dared  scarcely  use  their  bolts.  Luckily  for  them  all  the 
horses  had  not  suffered,  for  grass  of  some  kind  always  was 
plentiful,  and  they  were  fat  and  strong. 

A  strange  adventure  happened  to  Captain  Juan  Tafur 
one  morning  early,  as  he  was  looking  out  for  game.  Having 
come  suddenly  on  an  ant  bear  whilst  riding  with  another 


48  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

soldier  called  Palacios,  they  charged  it  instantly.  Though 
the  ant  bear  is  slow  upon  its  feet,  its  strength  and  its 
enormous  claws  make  it  an  adversary  not  to  be  despised, 
and  this  the  soldiers  found  out  to  their  cost.  Tafur  wounded 
it  with  his  lance,  and,  thinking  it  was  dead,  approached  it 
carelessly.  As  he  was  looking  at  it,  it  sprang  upon  his 
horse's  quarters,  wounding  them  terribly.  The  horse 
plunged  violently,  but  the  ant  bear  clung  tightly  to  its  seat. 
Its  mouth  was  right  against  the  rider's  shoulders,  so  close 
he  could  not  even  use  his  sword  or  the  ant  bear  its  claws. 
This  was  most  fortunate,  for  had  it  but  had  space  it  could 
have  killed  him  in  an  instant.  Its  weight  pressed  him 
down  on  the  horse's  neck  and  broke  a  stirrup  leather,  and 
he  would  probably  have  fallen  a  victim  to  it  had  not  Palacios 
pierced  it  with  his  lance.  It  fell  upon  the  ground  and 
grasped  the  horse  firmly  round  the  two  forelegs,  completely 
hobbling  him.  Luckily  a  well-directed  kick  that  the  horse, 
after  having  shaken  off  his  enemy,  planted  on  its  head,  dis- 
patched it,  and  the  two  soldiers  returned  to  camp  in  triumph 
with  the  ant-eater  packed  upon  the  horse. 

The  soldiers  devoured  it  instantly,  though  it  most  certainly 
is  not  an  inviting-looking  animal  to  make  a  meal  upon. 
Moreover,  an  ant  bear  could  not  have  been  much  of  a  meal 
for  more  than  a  hundred  men. 

All  this  time  the  fleet  had  been  steadily  fighting  with  the 
difficulties  of  the  navigation  of  the  unknown  river,  of  which 
they  had  no  soundings  or  the  least  idea  of  how  the  current 
ran,  or  of  the  position  of  any  reefs  or  rocks. 

For  the  most  part  the  banks  were  uninhabited,  as  they 
appear  to  be  to-day,  for  Indian  hamlets  in  such  gigantic 
vegetation  are  scarcely  visible.  Whenever  it  was  possible 
the  Licentiate  Gallegos  sent  out  boating  parties  to  explore 
the  creeks  and  search  for  any  tidings  of  a  considerable 
town. 

Days  passed,  long  days  of  agony  and  of  starvation,  and 
still  the  endless  forest  stretched  to  the  horizon  on  both  sides 
of  the  stream,  and  still  the  river  seemed  interminable.  Hope 
was  abandoned,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  indomitable  will 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  49 

of  their  young  leader  the  soldiers  would  have  given  up  the 
quest.  Quesada  suffered  doubly  what  his  men  endured,  for 
he  shared  all  their  hardships  and  their  meagre  rations,  and 
was  held  responsible  for  all  their  miseries.  Yet,  even  in 
that  dreadful  pass,  he  showed  his  iron  nerve.  A  miserable 
horse  soldier,  pushed  by  extremity  of  hunger,  having  killed 
his  horse  to  eat  it,  Quesada  ordered  him  for  instant  execution. 
So  great  was  the  ascendancy  he  had  obtained  over  his 
followers  that  no  one  murmured  at  the  execution,  and  all 
held  that  it  was  just. 

From  that  day  forth  the  horses  all  were  safe,  and  by  his 
act  of  firmness  Quesada,  without  doubt,  rendered  the  future 
conquest  possible,  for  without  horses  it  could  never  have  been 
carried  out  successfully. 

After  the  execution,  the  army  slowly  began  once  more 
to  struggle  on,  dragging  their  weary,  fever-stricken  limbs 
along,  what  must  have  seemed  to  them,  the  very  road  to 
hell. 

Another  day,  or  two  days  at  the  most,  and  they  would  all 
have  perished;  but  as  they  painfully  limped  onward,  towards 
the  evening  came  a  signal  from  the  fleet.  The  lookout 
man  at  the  masthead  of  the  leading  brigantine,  in  the  last 
rays  of  the  fast-setting  sun,  had  seen  a  town  perched  on  a 
high,  red  bluff.  So  great  their  need  was  of  provisions  and 
of  rest  that  Quesada,  half  mad  with  grief  at  the  plight  of 
his  expedition,  determined  instantly  to  go  himself,  though 
it  was  nightfall,  to  explore  the  town.  He  would  not  even 
send  his  brother  Heman  Perez  de  Quesada,  in  whom  he  had 
great  confidence;  but,  ordering  three  canoes  to  be  equipped, 
started  with  his  brother,  Captains  Lebrija  and  Maldonado, 
Ensign  Olalla,  and  three  other  chosen  men.  A  negro  was 
the  pilot,  and  in  the  falling  darkness  they  set  out,  in  the 
fierce  current,  upon  the  unknown  stream. 

The  situation  must  have  been  wellnigh  desperate  to 
make  Quesada  embark  on  such  a  step.  He  must  have  known 
that,  had  the  frail  canoes  been  overturned  and  he  himself 
have  lost  his  life,  the  expedition  would  have  returned  to 
Santa  Marta  in  a  miserable  plight. 

4 


50  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

All  night  they  paddled,  and  as  they  struggled  on  under  the 
light  tropic  sky,  the  mystery  of  the  scene,  the  noises  rising 
from  the  forests  on  the  banks,  the  flight  of  night  birds,  the 
splash  of  fish  that  jumped  and  fell  into  the  water,  the 
myriads  of  fireflies  lighting  the  trees  and  flitting  to  and  fro 
as  if  they  were  nocturnal  humming  birds;  the  alligators 
floating  past  like  logs;  the  heads  of  tapirs  and  carpinchos^ 
swimming  like  little  hippopotami,  must  have  impressed 
Quesada,  as  something  magical. 

No  doubt  he  sat  wrapped  in  his  cloak,  with  the  dew 
running  off  his  helmet,  in  the  stern  of  the  canoe,  under  the 
unfamiliar  stars,  without  the  solace  even  of  divine  tobacco, 
to  pass  the  hours  away.  At  times  he  may  have  paddled  for 
a  spell  in  the  cold  chill  of  the  approaching  dawn,  for  seated 
in  an  Indian  dugout,  cramped  and  obliged  to  keep  the  same 
position  in  the  crank  craft,  the  cold,  wet  mists  soon  numb 
one  to  the  bones. 

Had  he  but  known  it,  his  first  stage  was  over,  and  his 
great  conquest  well  within  his  grasp. 

Of  this  he  neither  knew,  or  even  could  have  guessed  at 
it,  and  the  night  must  have  been  interminable.  Gradually 
the  sky  got  lighter,  streaks  of  faint  colour  broke  across  the 
dark,  blue  heavens.  The  mists  shrouding  the  trees  appeared 
— before  they  only  had  been  felt — looking  like  veils  of  muslin, 
and  the  voices  of  the  wild  animals  grew  fainter  at  the 
approach  of  day. 

Herons  and  cormorants  flew  past,  and  fish  in  myriads 
appeared,  some  leaping  and  some  swimming  with  their  backs 
awash,  looking  like  silver  in  the  dawn.  Quesada  may  have 
observed  such  things,  or  wrapped  in  his  reflections,  seen 
nothing  but  the  course  of  the  canoe.  When  at  last  day 
broke,  he  found  that  the  canoes  were  within  a  bowshot 
of  the  town.  Composed  of  about  thirty  houses,  it  was 
built  in  a  large  clearing  that  overhung  the  river  at  an 
elbow  in  the  stream.  Quesada  and  his  companions,  their 
lances  in  their  hands,  girt  with  their  swords  and  covered 
with  their  bucklers,  landed  below  the  bluff.  Good  Spanish 
*  Hydrochcerus  capybara. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  51 

courage^  and  necessary'  precaution  supplied  the  want  of 
friends. 

The  town  was  empty ;  the  inhabitants,  having  descried  the 
ships,  had  fled  into  the  woods. 

Although  they  found  no  gold  in  the  deserted  houses — and, 
starving  as  they  were,  their  first  thoughts  seem  to  have 
run  on  gold — they  found  what  was  worth  more  than  all  the 
gold  of  the  Americas  to  hungry  men,  some  fields  of  ripening 
maize. 

Quesada  put  a  guard  over  them,  and  when  the  fleet  came 
up,  later  in  the  day,  distributed  his  share  to  every  soldier 
with  his  own  hands.  Had  he  allowed  them  in  their  ravenous 
state  to  eat  their  fill,  the  greater  portion  of  them  would 
have  died. 

They  found  that  the  town  was  called  La  Tora,  as  they 
were  told  by  several  Indians  they  had  taken  prisoners. 

Three  reasonable  islands^  stood  in  front  of  it,  and  formed 
some  passages  known  as  Las  Cuatro  Bocas.  To-day  the  place 
is  called  Barranca  Bermeja — that  is.  Red  Bluff — and 
underneath  the  bank,  just  at  the  elbow  and  below  the 
islands,  the  stream  forms  several  whirlpools  that  are 
dangerous  for  canoes. 

After  six  days  the  army  reached  the  place.  The  men 
rejoiced  to  find  provisions,  and  the  horses  ate  their  fill  of 
maize. 

Eight  months  had  now  elapsed  since  the  expedition  sailed 
from  Santa  Marta,  and  so  Quesada  determined  to  encamp 
to  rest  his  horses  and  his  men,  and  to  explore  the  upper 
reaches  of  the  stream. 

*  "  La  buena  prevencion  y  esfuerzo  espafiol  suplian  la  falta  de 
companeros."  How  unpleasing,  patriotic  phrases  sound,  except  in 
the  mouth  of  one's  own  countrymen  !  In  fact,  "  No  es  la  miel  para 
la  boca  del  asno  "  (Honey  is  not  suited  for  the  mouth  of  the  ass). 

*  Tres  razonables  islas. 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Indian  cornfields  were  soon  exhausted,  and  once  again 
starvation  stared  the  expedition  in  the  face.  The  men 
began  to  die  so  fast  that  their  dead  bodies  were  thrown  into 
the  river  overnight ;  perhaps  because  the  survivors  had  not 
strength  to  bury  them,  or  perhaps  because  Quesada  did  not 
wish  to  let  his  losses  become  known  to  all. 

Once  more  he  sent  the  fleet  upstream  to  prospect,  and 
to  find  out  if  there  was  any  open  country  or  more  Indian 
villages.  After  twenty  days  they  came  back  exhausted 
and  discouraged,  reporting  that  the  farther  they  advanced 
the  denser  were  the  forests,  and  that  the  river  seemed 
interminable.  Moreover,  they  had  come  upon  no  settle- 
ments nor  any  cultivated  land. 

This  time  Quesada's  position  was  more  desperate  than 
before.  Provisions  were  exhausted,  and  the  starving  men, 
tormented  by  the  insect  plagues,  their  clothes  rotten  with 
rain  and  sun,  their  arms  all  rusted  and  hunger  claiming  its 
victims  every  day,  had  grown  so  weak  that  Quesada  had  to 
forbid  them  from  going  to  the  river  either  to  drink  or  wash 
their  clothes,  for  several  had  been  carried  off  by  alligators 
as  they  strayed  tottering  on  the  bank. 

The  return  of  the  fleet,  with  nothing  to  show  for  all  their 
suffering,  but  the  loss  of  several  men,  completed  their  dis- 
couragement. For  the  first  time  the  soldiers  murmured 
against  their  general,  saying  they  knew  not  where  they  were 
going  to,  and  he  was  leading  them  to  death. 

Things  came  to  a  head  when,  even  men  broken  to  hard- 
ships and  to  war  such  as  were  Quesada's  two  best  captains, 
Cespedes  and  San  Martin,  despaired  entirely  of  success. 

So,  as  the  delegate  of  the  officers  and  men,  San  Martin 
laid  before  Quesada  what  they  had  to  say. 

52 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  53 

Things  must  have  looked  wellnigh  desperate  before 
Captain  San  Martin  took  such  a  step,  for  he  had  always  been 
the  first  in  every  enterprise. 

Standing  before  his  general  he  represented  that  they 
had  now  been  eight  months  on  a  journey  that  seemed 
endless,  and  that  appeared  likely  to  end  in  failure  and  in 
death  to  all  of  them.  He  spoke  about  their  hardships  and 
their  difficulties,  recounting  all  that  they  had  suffered,  telling 
Quesada  that  his  soldiers  had  obeyed  his  orders  in  every 
particular  since  the  first  day  when  they  set  out,  in  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  danger,  both  by  sea  and  land.  He  said 
that  the  opinion  of  the  soldiers  was  that  to  go  on  was 
rash,  as  they  had  no  provisions  and  no  guides.  Therefore, 
he  urged  they  should  return  to  Tamalameque  for  the  present 
to  rest  and  to  refit,  as  it  was  a  country  rich  and  well  culti- 
vated, where  at  least  they  could  find  food.  He  pointed  out 
that  Quesada  had  already  lost  more  than  half  his  men. 
From  Tamalameque  they  could  send  to  Santa  Marta  for 
new  ships  and  reinforcements,  and  in  the  meantime  found 
a  settlement  that  in  the  future  would  serve  them  as  a  base. 

This  proposition  was  not  unreasonable,  for  they  had 
suffered  much.  Luckily  for  them  Quesada  was  a  man  who, 
when  he  had  put  his  hand  to  the  plough,  never  looked  back 
again.  He  at  once  answered  San  Martin,  who  may  have 
been  a  little  ashamed  of  his  position,  for  Fray  Simon  says 
that  he  went  unwillingly,  and  but  to  please  the  soldiers 
who  were  murmuring.  Quesada's  speech  showed  him  the 
man  he  was. 

He  did  not  argue  with  his  captain,  nor  reproach  him  for 
having  made  himself  the  mouthpiece  of  the  rest.  He  spoke 
no  word  of  sentiment  and  used  no  rhetoric. 

Carefully,  quietly,  and  as  sedately  as  if  he  had  been  once 
more  in  the  Chancery  Court  of  Cordoba,  he  gave  his  reasons, 
even  sententiously,  saying  that  to  retreat  was  to  court 
disaster,  for  the  vessels  were  too  small  to  take  them  all 
aboard,  and  that  those  who  would  have  to  march  must  of 
necessity  perish  in  the  woods.  He  pointed  out  that  the 
Adelantado   had    exhausted    his   resources    and    spent    his 


54  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

last  doubloon  to  fit  the  expedition  out,  and  to  abandon  it 
with  nothing  done  would  be  a  treachery.  He  showed  them 
certain  linen  mantles  of  superior  make  that  they  had  found 
in  the  village  of  La  Tora,  where  they  were  encamped,  and 
said,  as  they  could  not  have  been  the  work  of  the  rude 
savages  that  dwelt  there,  they  must  come  from  a  country 
much  more  civilized.  The  little  gold  that  they  had  found 
in  the  past  eight  months  in  Indian  villages,  they  had  been 
told,  came  from  the  interior.  Hence,  to  the  interior  they 
must  go,  if  they  hoped  to  discover  gold. 

Then,  in  a  lighter  vein,  he  said  that  those  who  felt  dis- 
couraged were  like  men  who,  as  the  Spanish  adage  has  it, 
are  drowned  in  little  water,^  and  told  them  that  if  they 
turned  back  now,  discoverers  more  courageous  than  them- 
selves would  reap  the  fruits  of  all  their  toil. 

He  finished  with  the  nearest  attempt  at  rhetoric  that  he 
indulged  in,  by  saying,  "  An  army  of  slaves  with  a  lion 
as  a  leader  is  better  than  an  army  of  lions  led  by  a  slave." 

He  knew  he  was  the  lion,  and  that  the  Spaniards  always 
like  an  allegory  or  an  epigram. 

His  speech  concluded,  he  gave  his  orders  as  if  nothing  had 
occurred  out  of  the  ordinary. 

"  I  command,"  he  said,  "  this  murmuring  shall  cease, 
and  that  Captain  San  Martin  shall  start  at  once  upon  another 
expedition,  to  explore  the  country  farther  afield." 

Neither  San  Martin  nor  any  of  the  soldiers  said  a  word,  but 
went  about  their  duty  instantly.  Throughout  his  manifold 
adventures  and  hardships  in  the  future.  Captain  San  Martin 
was  Quesada's  right-hand  man,  and  never  again  did  he 
complain,  or  make  himself  the  mouthpiece  for  complaints. 

Quesada's  influence  with  his  men  must  have  been  great 
for  them  to  acquiesce,  so  patiently,  in  his  commands,  after 
the  sufferings  they  had  undergone.  Few  men  can  ever  have 
been  placed  in  a  more  difficult  position  than  he  was  at  La 
Tora,  on  that  eventful  day.  He  crossed  the  Rubicon  once 
and  for  all,  and,  like  his  prototype,  was  followed  cheerfully 
by  his  men  to  victory. 

1  Se  ahogan  en  poca  agua. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  55 

Had  he  but  faltered  for  an  instant  he  was  lost,  and  the 
honours  of  the  conquest  would  have  been  reserved  for  a  more 
worthy  conqueror. 

From  where  they  were  at  the  little  hamlet  of  La  Tora,  in 
the  far  distance  they  could  see  a  range  of  mountains,  and 
not  far  up  the  river  the  mouth  of  a  large  affluent.  This 
was  the  Rio  de  Opon  that  runs  right  through  the  valley  of 
the  same  name.  After  deliberation  Quesada,  judging  it 
must  lead  up  to  the  mountains,  ordered  Captain  San  Martin 
to  enter  and  explore  its  course.  He  set  out  in  three  small 
canoes,  accompanied  by  twelve  well-chosen  men. 

On  the  first  day  of  this  eventful  voyage  they  saw  nothing 
worthy  of  remark. 

Upon  the  second  they  met  a  large  canoe  manned  by  three 
Indians.  The  moment  that  they  saw  the  Spaniards  they 
abandoned  their  canoe,  plunged  into  the  stream,  and  sought 
the  shelter  of  the  woods.  In  the  canoe  San  Martin  found 
some  finely  woven  cloths,  dyed  a  fine  purple  colour.  He 
also  found  what  raised  his  spirits  higher  than  they  had  been 
raised  on  the  whole  voyage.  Packed  in  banana-leaves  were 
several  cakes  of  hard,  white  salt,  quite  different  from  the  salt 
got  by  evaporation  on  the  coast.  This  was  the  first  salt 
from  the  mines  of  Zipaquira  that  European  eyes  had  ever 
looked  upon.  Naturally,  San  Martin  knew  nothing  as  to 
where  the  salt  had  come  from;  but  for  all  that,  the  sight  of 
it  sealed  the  fate  of  the  Chibcha  kingdom  on  the  plains  of 
Bogota: 

A  soldier,  one  Bartolome  Camacho,  was  the  first  man  to 
plunge  into  the  water  and  swim  to  the  canoe,  being  a  mighty 
swimmer.^  Thus,  almost  by  accident,  was  the  secret  of  the 
Indian  kingdom  revealed,  just  as  the  secret  of  the  existence 
of  the  New  World  was  first  revealed  by  floating  reeds,  seen 
by  another  Spanish  sailor  from  Colombus's  ship  two  or  three 
days  before  they  reached  the  land. 

The  blocks  of  salt  in  the  canoe  justified  Quesada's  faith 
and  his  tenacity  of  purpose,  for  they  saw  that  in  front  of 

1  He  may  have  been  the  ancestor  of  the  Camacho  family  of 
Velez.     At  any  rate  he  was  "  gran  nadador." 


56  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

them  some  country  must  exist,  more  civilized  than  that  in 
which  they  had  toiled  and  suffered  for  so  many  months. 

Joy  filled  all  hearts,  and  San  Martin,  seeing  some  huts  a 
little  way  ahead,  landed  and  searched  them.  They  proved 
to  be  all  full  of  cakes  of  salt  of  the  same  kind  that  they  had 
found  in  the  canoe.  He  saw  at  once  that  the  three  huts 
were  used  as  a  store,  for  on  the  river  bank  in  front  of  them 
were  several  posts  for  tying  up  canoes,  and  a  well-beaten 
path  led  from  the  huts  into  a  little  plain. 

Leaving  three  men  to  guard  the  huts  and  their  own  canoes, 
he  pushed  on  rapidly  with  the  remaining  nine.  After  four 
leagues  of  march  he  came  out  on  a  larger  plain  with  a  well- 
defined  track  across  it.  This  track  he  followed  for  nearly 
forty  miles,  until  the  mountains  became  clearly  visible. 
Far  off  in  front,  he  saw  columns  of  smoke  ascending  as  from 
houses  and  observed  cultivated  fields,  and  pushing  on  a 
little  farther  two  large  villages. 

Then,  judging  that  he  had  too  small  a  force  to  advance 
into  what  he  saw  was  a  well-populated  land,  he  entered 
several  deserted  huts,  and  having  found  them  full  of  salt 
and  cotton  cloths,  took  some  of  them  to  show  his  general 
as  proof  of  all  that  they  had  seen. 

Knowing  he  must  have  been  observed  and  reconnoitred 
by  the  Indians,  though  he  had  not  seen  any  of  them,  he 
marched  all  night  and  camped  at  the  first  light  beside  a 
little  stream. 

They  had  hardly  set  their  watch  before  they  were  at- 
tacked. Indians  appeared  to  rise  as  if  by  magic  from  the 
reeds.  Striking  their  hands  upon  their  mouths  they  uttered 
war-cries,  and  advanced  in  what  no  doubt  they  thought  were 
overwhelming  numbers  to  the  attack.  Their  arms  were 
bows  and  arrows,  spears,  and  clubs  called  "  macanas  "  made 
of  heavy  wood. 

Through  the  Americas,  both  North  and  South  alike, 
Indians  choose  the  grey  interval  between  the  dawn  and 
day  for  their  attacks,  whenever  possible.  This  was  the 
first  of  many  onsets  of  the  kind  just  between  dawn  and  day, 
when  you  can  scarce  distinguish  a  black  thread  from  a  white 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  57 

one,  that  San  Martin  had  so  far  experienced.  He  met  it 
bravely,  his  men  standing  together  covered  with  their 
bucklers,  their  swords  and  lances  in  their  hands. 

The  fight  was  fierce;  but  when  the  Spaniards,  after  a 
volley  from  their  crossbows,  advanced  to  the  attack,  the 
Indians  fled,  leaving  several  of  their  number  dead  upon  the 
ground.  Some  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded,  but  none 
severely,  and  San  Martin  seized  and  held  fast  an  Indian  who 
is  described  as  having  been  "  intelligent  and  agile. "^  A 
curious  combination,  for  the  two  qualities  as  seldom  go 
together,  as  honour  and  profit  are  found  in  the  same  bag.^ 

This  Indian  proved  a  most  important  capture,  and  in  the 
future  was  of  great  service  to  them,  though  more  because 
of  his  intelligence  than  his  agility.  The  Spaniards  named 
him  Pericon,  just  as,  in  old  times,  in  the  Southern  States 
of  North  America,  they  called  a  negro  Sambo  or  Quashy,  or 
merely  Uncle,  if  he  happened  to  be  old. 

Pericon  was  well  treated  by  his  captors,^  and  became  a 
great  friend  of  the  Spaniards.  They  asked  him  by  signs 
about  the  country,  and  he  replied  that  farther  on  there  was 
a  thickly  populated  land.  They  showed  him  a  thin  plate 
of  gold,  and  asked  him  if  there  was  much  of  the  same  metal 
in  the  country  of  the  hills.  Poor  Pericon  said  "  Yes," 
perhaps  only  to  please  them,  or  perhaps  because  he  did  not 
understand  their  pantomime,  and  judged  it  better  to  say 
something  of  a  conciliatory  kind. 

Laden  with  cakes  of  salt  and  with  the  Indian  cloths  that 
they  had  found  in  the  deserted  huts,  holding  the  bows  and 
spears  that  they  had  taken  from  the  dead  Indians  in  their 
hands,  and  with  their  feather  crowns  upon  their  heads  and 
leading  Pericon  with  them,  they  made  a  triumphal  entry 
into  Quesada's  camp.  As  they  advanced  they  broke  into 
a  rude  chant,  that  Castellanos  in  his  rh3niiing  chronicle  has 

^  Agil  e  inteligente. 

*  Honor  y  provecho  no  caben  en  un  saco. 

3  Con  el  regalo  y  buen  tratajniento  que  todos  le  hacian  vino  4 
hacerse  grande  amigo  de  los  Espanoles,  3,  los  cuales,  luego  pregun- 
tandole  por  senas,  les  decia  que  alia  arriba  de  aquellas  sierras  habia 
muchas  gentes. 


58 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 


preserved.^  In  it,  they  celebrated  their  discovery,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Roman  soldiers  at  a  triumph,  vaunting 
the  country  they  had  seen — its  openness,  its  coolness,  and 
the  abundance  of  provisions  and  of  gold  that  it  contained. 
The  gold,  indeed,  as  yet,  only  was  vouched  for  in  pantomime, 
by  Pericon ;  but  he  turned  out  a  true  and  veritable  prophet, 
and  all  his  gestures  were  verified  by  facts. 

Quesada's  camp  received  the  news,  as  it  were,  on  their 
knees,  for  heaven  seemed  to  have  opened  for  them  after  the 
hell  they  had  endured.  Men  clasped  each  other's  hands, 
and  staggered  to  and  fro  like  drunkards  in  an  ecstasy  of  joy. 
They  said,  "  Heaven  has  spoken  by  the  general's  mouth," 
In  fact,  it  may  be  said  to  have  so  spoken,  for  though  in 
every  age  brave  men  abound,  men  like  Quesada,  of  stem 
moral  courage,  and  a  determination  such  as  his,  are  very 
pearls  amongst  mankind.  Out  of  their  miserable  shelters 
made  of  reeds  and  palm-leaves  the  fever-stricken  men 
emerged,  leaning  upon  their  swords,  or  upon  sticks  cut  from 
the  trees,  and  all  demanding  to  march  on  at  once. 

The  night  was  passed  in  cleaning  up  their  arms  and 
making  ready  for  the  march.  At  the  first  streak  of  dawn^ 
Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas  said  Mass,  and  then,  standing 
before  the  little  altar  that  he  carried  with  him,  he  blessed 
the  soldiers  as  they  passed  in  front  of  him. 

A  moving  scene,  and  one  fraught  with  consequence  both 
to  Quesada  and  his  men,  and  above  all  to  the  Indian  countries 
beyond  the  mountains,  to  whom  his  advent  brought  so  much 
misery  and  pain. 

^^^^^^^^     buena, 

Tierra  qi^^^^^^^^Hestra  pena. 

Tierra  d^^^^^^^^HRecida 

Tierra  i^^^^^^^^^Kitua 

comida, 
tierra  rasa, 
3stida 


2  Al  rayar  el 


Serena, 
xa  pena. 

legias  de  Varones  Ilustres  de 
,"  Madrid,  i74*4»; 


'^^ 


r 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  59 


After  the  Mass  they  once  more  set  out  towards  the 
mountains  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Opon,  the  "  macheteros  " 
as  before  opening  a  road  for  them  and  the  brigantines 
entering  the  river,  fighting  the  current  by  rowing  and  with 
poles,  for  the  Opon  was  far  too  narrow  for  a  vessel  to 
use  sails. 

All  went  well  for  a  day  or  two,  and  then  one  night  without 
the  slightest  warning  the  river  rose  in  flood,  most  probably 
from  heavy  rains  in  the  interior  or  the  melting  of  the  snow 
far  away  in  the  hills.  It  is  not  certain  which  of  the  two 
rivers — the  Opon  or  the  Carare — that  form  the  valley 
of  the  Opon  district  the  brigantines  were  in,  for  the 
various  chroniclers  name  both  the  rivers  indiscriminately. 
At  any  rate  the  army  followed  the  banks  of  one  or  other 
river,  and  when  the  flood  descended  on  them  they  had  to  flee 
for  refuge  to  the  trees,  leaving  the  baggage  to  be  swept 
away.  Clinging  to  the  trees  like  monkeys,  they  remained 
two  miserable  days,  reduced  for  rations  to  forty  grains 
of  roasted  maize  per  man.  The  horses  were  up  to  their 
backs  in  mud  and  slime  when  at  the  last  the  flood  sub- 
sided and  ravenous  for  food,  having  subsisted  on  a  few 
leaves  of  canes  that  were  as  hard  as  leather  and  about  as 
nutritive. 

Once  more  Quesada  found  himself  in  desperate  straits. 
All  the  provisions  had  been  lost,  their  precious  powder 
spoiled,  and  even  the  strings  of  the  crossbows  so  damaged 
by  the  wet  as  to  be  hardly  fit  for  use.  In  this  extremity 
they  once  more  boiled  their  scabbards  and  their  bucklers, 
belts,  and  the  leather  articles  they  had,  and  cooked  a 
nauseous  broth.  It  made  a  mixture  more  like  glue  than 
food  for  human  beings ;  but  they  were  all  so  famine-stricken 
that  they  devoured  it  greedily. 

It  took  them  twenty  days  of  suffering  to  reach  the  two 
huts  where  San  Martin  had  found  the  cakes  of  salt,  and 
when  they  got  there  the  fields  of  maize  that  he  had  found 
on  his  voyage  of  discovery  had  been  cut  down  and  the  corn 
carried  off.  Luckily  they  found  an  Indian  dog  or  two  and 
boiled  them  whole,  not  stopping  even  to  take  off  their  skins. 


6o  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

and  ate  them  as  if  they  had  been  lambs  reared  in  La  Sagra 
de  Toledo^  or  in  the  plains  of  Bogota. 

Another  day  or  two  and  they  would  have  died  of  famine,  or 
been  obliged  to  kill  their  horses;  but  this  Quesada  would  not 
consent  to,  thinking  it  better  that  they  all  should  perish 
than  to  destroy  the  chiefest  arm  they  had.  His  resolution 
was  rewarded  by  the  appearance  of  the  brigantines  that 
had  encountered  serious  peril  in  the  flood,  and  been  delayed 
by  the  swift  current  of  the  stream.  When  they  arrived  their 
worst  necessities  were  soon  relieved,  for  they  had  plenty  of 
provisions  in  their  holds. 

As  it  was  impossible  for  the  vessels  to  push  farther  on 
from  want  of  water,  the  river  shoaling  rapidly  as  it  drew 
near  the  hills,  Quesada's  greatest  difhculty,  after  the  want  of 
provisions,  was  the  increasing  number  of  the  sick.  After 
the  exposure  that  the  men  had  undergone  in  such  a  climate, 
the  only  wonder  was  that  any  of  them  escaped  malarial 
fever;  but  the  Spanish  race  is  extraordinarily  well  fitted  to 
endure  every  kind  of  hardship,  especially  those  born  in 
Castile,  where  the  cold  of  winter  is  Siberian  and  the  heat 
of  summer  almost  as  severe  as  that  of  Africa.  After  a 
consultation  with  the  Licenciado  Gallegos,  the  commander 
of  the  fleet,  it  was  agreed  that  the  latter  should  return  to 
Santa  Marta  with  the  sick  men,  who  numbered  nearly  half 
of  the  expedition,  and  that  Quesada  should  push  on  into 
the  hills  with  the  two  hundred  that  remained. 

They  agreed  to  meet  again  on  that  day  year,  in  the  same 
spot;  but  subsequent  events  rendered  their  meeting  im- 
possible, and  by  that  time  Quesada  was  the  master  of  the 
country  and  possessed  better  ports. 

Gallegos  set  out  full  of  hope,  for  the  worst  seemed  finished, 
and  all  he  had  to  do  was  to  report  to  the  Adelantado^  and 
then  return  with  reinforcements.  Quesada,  always  the 
soul  of  honour  in  these  matters,  promised  that  the  sick 
should  have  their  share  in  the  gains  of  the  conquest  that 

^  Como  corderos  de  la  Sagra  de  Toledo. 

2  Neither  he  nor  Quesada  knew  that  the  Adelantado  was 
dead. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  6i 

he  looked  forward  to  achieve.  Once  again  circumstances 
beyond  his  control  rendered  his  offer  nugatory. 

From  the  first  start  Gallegos  had  bad  luck.  Aboard  his 
ship  he  had  taken  with  him  an  Indian  recently  baptized 
under  the  name  of  Alonso;  but  who  was  still  a  chief.  This 
new  Christian-"-  had  been  taken  up  the  river,  greatly  against 
his  will,  from  Tamalameque,  where  his  father  had  been  king. 
Either  the  rite  of  baptism  had  been  forced  on  him  against 
his  will,  in  which  case  it  may  not  have  taken,  or  he  had 
asked  for  it  himself,  hoping  to  seek  revenge  upon  his 
enemies.  In  any  case  he  seems  to  have  been  a  subtle 
plotter,  and  to  a  great  extent  his  treachery  succeeded  in 
bringing  ruin  on  the  fleet. 

This  bastard — or,  at  the  least,  misbaptized — Christian,  from 
the  first  seems  to  have  had  great  influence  with  Gallegos. 
Quesada  had  expressly  enjoined  upon  him  to  lose  no  time 
upon  the  way  in  looking  for  provisions,  but  to  push  on  to 
Tamalameque,  where  they  abounded. 

Alonso,  who  thought  he  saw  a  chance  to  bring  off  a 
great  coup,  in  passing  a  large  Indian  village,  asked  leave 
to  go  ashore  to  bring  off  fresh  meat  for  the  fever-stricken 
men. 

Once  there  he  got  together  aU  the  Indians  he  could  in- 
fluence, and  told  them  that  the  Spaniards  were  few  in  numbers 
and  many  of  them  sick.  This,  he  said,  is  the  occasion  to  be  rid 
of  them.  All  his  friends  joined  him,  except  a  chief  called 
Lopatin,  who  came  by  night  and  told  Gallegos  what  was 
being  planned.  Gallegos  would  not  listen  to  him  and  still 
clung  to  Alonso,  perhaps  because  he  was  baptized,  and  not 
remembering  the  Spanish  saying,  that  an  old  Moor  makes 
a  bad  Christian.^  However,  Captain  Chamorro,  who  had 
known  Alonso  a  considerable  time,  told  Gallegos  that  the 
Indian  was  a  false  Christian  and  a  traitor,  "  a  stealer  of  the 
sacrament,"  and  a  most  dangerous  man.     Still,  as  Alonso 

1  Christiano  Nuevo,  -w^as  the  name  given  to  Moors,  Jews,  Heretics 
(as  Englishmen  and  Hollanders),  Pagans,  or  others  -who  had  been 
initiated  into  the  hope  of  salvation,  more  or  less  by  force. 

2  Moro^viejo  hace  mal  cristiano. 


62  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

always  came  back  to  the  fleet  with  fresh  provisions  and  now 
and  then  with  gold,  Gallegos  still  believed  in  him,  although 
he  ordered  that  a  canvas  screen  should  be  stretched  over 
his  ship's  deck  to  keep  off  arrows  if  he  were  attacked. 

He  himself  never  left  the  ship,  and  issued  orders  that 
nobody  should  go  ashore.  This  he  did  at  the  advice  of  the 
Chief  Lopatin,  who  came  again  to  warn  him  of  the  plot. 
Had  but  the  order  been  obeyed,  all  would  have  been  well; 
but  to  give  orders  to  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  was  not  the 
same  thing  as  to  have  them  executed. 

One  day  most  of  the  sick  had  gone  ashore  to  pass  the 
siesta  underneath  the  trees,  when  suddenly  the  Indians  fell 
upon  them,  moving  as  softly  through  the  woods  as  cats. 

Thirty  sick  men  were  taken  prisoners,  horribly  tortured, 
and  dispatched.  Canoes  swarmed  out  of  every  creek, 
arrows  fell  thickly  on  the  ships,  and  Gallegos,  standing  on 
the  deck  directing  the  defence,  was  hit  and  lost  an  eye. 

Captain  Rincon,  who  had  been  sleeping  in  a  hut,  cut  his 
way  with  his  sword  through  the  thickest  of  the  Indians, 
lopping  off  hands  and  arms  at  every  stroke.  He  did  such 
acts  of  valour  that  Fray  Simon  states  he  was  afraid  to  write 
them,  "  leaving  them  to  the  courtesy  of  each  one  " — that  is, 
each  reader  of  his  book,^ 

Captain  Chamorro  ran  his  ship  aground,  and  instantly  as 
many  Indian  canoes  beset  him  as  beset  Cortes  upon  the 
narrow  causeway  that  led  from  Mexico  to  Tacubaya,  on 
the  retreat  known  as  La  Noche  Triste,  of  which  Bernal 
Diaz  writes. 

The  Spaniards  fought  their  way  downstream  through 
the  hordes  of  canoes,  with  arrows  falling  on  their  decks, 
though  it  was  night-time,  as  the  Indians  had  lighted  fires 
upon  the  banks.  Men  fell  by  dozens,  and,  when  at  last  they 
had  got  clear,  only  one  ship  remained  afloat.  Gallegos 
finally  arrived  at  Santa  Marta  with  but  twenty  men  alive, 

1  In  this  he  did  not  follow  the  example  of  the  Adelantado  of 
Castile,  who,  Perez  de  Guzman,  in  his  "  Generaciones  y  Semblanzas,'' 
tells  us,  was  accustomed  to  relate  "  cosas  dificiles  de  creer,  que  habia 
visto  en  tierra  de  Moros." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  63 

and  most  of  them  disabled  by  their  wounds.  His  reputation 
suffered  heavily,  through  his  credulity  in  listening  to  the 
false  converts'  treacherous  advice.  Nearly  two  hundred  men 
had  lost  their  lives.  Two  ships  had  been  abandoned,  and 
he  himself  had  lost  an  eye.  His  evil  fortune  caused  all  the 
Indian  chiefs,  who  had  been  friendly,  to  rise  against  the 
unlucky  colony. 

Seeing  that  he  would  not  be  trusted  any  more  in  Santa 
Marta,  he  set  out  to  join  the  celebrated  Licenciate  La  Gasca, 
in  Peru,  and  did  good  service  there,  fighting  in  the  rebellion 
of  the  Pizarro  brothers  upon  the  royal  side. 

The  pseudo-convert  Alonso  disappeared,  and  was  no 
longer  numbered  with  the  dusky  catechumens  that  it  was 
the  delight  of  the  good  friars  and  priests  to  bring  into  the 
fold,  having  no  doubt  returned  back  to  the  woods  and  his 
ancestral  faith. 


CHAPTER  VI 

QuESADA,  after  a  week's  rest,  set  out  to  cross  the  little 
plain  that  San  Martin  had  traversed  on  his  scouting  ex- 
pedition. So  far,  the  road  was  known,  and  as  the  Indians 
had  felt  the  force  of  European  arms  in  their  attack  on 
San  Martin  they  had  judged  it  better  to  retire.  Quesada 
found  the  country  quite  deserted,  and  a  considerable  quantity 
of  crops  ungathered  in  the  fields. 

In  two  short  days  they  reached  a  range  of  hills.  They 
found  them  shrouded  thick  in  mist — a  new  experience  for 
them,  after  the  tropic  sun.  Rain  soon  fell  heavily,  and 
turned  the  Indian  trails  into  a  sea  of  mud. 

Quesada  chose  out  all  those  soldiers  who  were  most  fit 
for  the  hard  work  he  saw  he  would  encounter,  and  left  his 
brother,  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  with  the  horses  and  the 
weaker  of  the  men. 

He  himself  went  on  in  front  to  try  and  find  a  practicable 
path  by  which  the  horses  might  ascend  the  hills.  Such 
footpaths  as  they  found  were  merely  trails  winding  amongst 
the  rocks,  used  by  the  Indians  to  bring  down  the  salt,  that 
San  Martin  had  found  in  the  deserted  huts  at  the  head 
waters  of  the  Opon. 

The  country  that  he  had  to  traverse  has  remained  some 
of  the  wildest  in  the  Republic  of  Colombia.  Along  the 
banks  of  the  Opon  there  still  roam  Indian  tribes,  refractory 
to  any  sort  of  civilization  and  hostile  to  the  whites.  They 
live  just  as  they  lived  when  first  Quesada  saw  them — wearing 
no  clothes  except  a  breech-clout,  and  armed  with  spears  and 
clubs.  They  still  use  poisoned  arrows,  and  no  one  ventures 
up  the  Opon,  the  Lebrija,  or  the  Carare,  except  well  armed 

64 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  65 

and  in  sufficient  numbers  to  resist  any  attack  from  the 
wild  tribes.^ 

When  the  trail  enters  the  dense  forests  of  the  foothills, 
the  scenery  is  beautiful,  with  a  strange  wildness  and  aloof- 
ness of  its  own.  Great  wreaths  of  moss  hang  from  the  trees, 
dripping  with  moisture,  so  that  the  traveller  is  in  a  perpetual 
shower-bath.  Orchids  of  every  kind — Oncidiums,  Cattleyas, 
and  many  others  of  the  tribe — cling  to  the  branches,  and 
flocks  of  great,  blue  butterflies^  flit  across  the  path,  as  silently 
as  woodcocks  float  through  a  northern  wood.  Huge  tree- 
ferns  stand  up  starkly,  looking  like  little  palms,  and  flights 
of  brilliant-coloured  birds  are  ever  in  the  air.  Toucans  and 
humming  birds,  egrets,  cranes,  curassows,  trogons,  bush- 
turkeys,  cardinals,  orioles,  and  half  a  hundred  others,  with 
flocks  of  chattering  macaws  and  parrots,  flash  past  like 
jewels  in  the  sun.  On  the  high  peaks  eagles  and  condors 
soar,  describing  circles  as  they  scan  the  firmament  for  prey. 

Through  all  these  marvels  of  the  flora  and  the  fauna 
of  the  tropics  Quesada's  followers  marched  along,  probably 
marking  none  of  them ;  but  still  feeling  their  influence  without 
knowing  it. 

As  the  rough  Indian  trail,  gradually  mounting,  wound 
in  and  out  by  rocky,  open  glades,  and  through  the  dark 
recesses  of  the  woods  where  Tegua  palms,^  with  their 
umbrella-like  foliage  and  slender  stems,  towered  high  above 
the  other  trees,  and  clumps  of  giant  guaduas"*  stood  about 
here  and  there  as  if  they  had  been  planted  by  design,  the 
track  daily  became  more  difficult.  In  fact,  it  more  re- 
sembled a  trail  for  cats^  than  a  path  made  for  men. 

Still  they  pushed  upwards  almost  without  provisions, 
drenched  by  perpetual  rain  and  by  the  moisture  falling  from 

^  In  the  year  1891  they  attacked  and  slew  with  poisoned  arrows 
one  of  the  companions  of  Albert  Milligan,  the  Orchid-Hunter,  shooting 
him  with  poisoned  arrows  so  deadly  that  he  expired  within  an  hour 
("  Adventures  of  an  Orchid-Hunter,"  p.  167.     London,  1891). 

2  Morpho  cyprius. 

3  This  palm  produces  the  vegetable  ivory  nut. 

*  "  Guadua  "  is  the  name  given  in  Colombia  to  the  bamboo. 
8  Arcades  de  gatos. 

5 


66  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

the  trees,  their  armour  rusted,  and  the  leather  of  their 
saddles  and  their  shoes  rotting  away,  turned  to  a  pulp  by  the 
devouring  damp.  On  the  sixth  day  after  they  had  begun 
to  climb  the  mountains,  with  tremendous  toil  and  such 
fatigue  as  would  have  daunted  any  but  themselves,  they 
reached  some  opener  country,  in  which  at  a  great  distance 
they  descried  some  villages  and  several  fields  of  maize. 

There,  quite  exhausted,  Quesada  with  his  chosen  followers 
rested,  sending  back  three  soldiers  to  his  brother,  who  had 
remained  behind  with  all  the  horses  and  the  greater  portion 
of  the  men.  They  immediately  set  out,  leading  the  horses 
after  them,  for  the  paths  soon  became  too  mountainous  and 
broken  for  them  to  dare  to  ride. 

The  soldiers  stumbled  upwards,  shivering  with  cold  as 
they  ascended,  and  drenched  by  the  clinging  mist  that  hung 
so  heavily  about  the  trees  that  they  could  hardly  see  more 
than  a  yard  or  two  ahead. 

As  in  the  eight  months  they  had  spent  within  the  tropics 
most  of  their  clothes  had  fallen  away  in  rags,  and  they  were 
dressed  either  in  such  Indian  cloths  as  they  had  come 
across  or  in  the  skins  of  animals,  their  sufferings  were  severe 
in  the  keen  cold  that  they  had  now  to  face. 

Many  of  the  men  were  sick  with  fever,  and  dragged  them- 
selves along  painfully,  leaning  on  branches  torn  from  the 
trees  or  on  their  swords.  For  the  first  time  Quesada  had  a 
sharp  attack  of  fever,  and  now  and  then  had  to  be  carried 
in  a  litter  by  his  men. 

So  starved  and  tired  they  were  that  many  of  them  became 
delirious,  and  one,  Juan  Duarte,  ran  raving  mad,  and  even 
when  their  perils  all  were  past,  never  was  really  sane. 

Another  soldier,  Tordehumos  by  name,  they  had  to  leave 
behind,  as  they  thought,  at  the  last.  They  left  him  seated 
with  his  back  against  a  tree,  his  sword  beside  him  and  a  few 
pieces  of  dried  meat,  all  they  could  spare  in  their  necessity, 
having  prayed  over  him  and  "  tried  to  make  his  peace  with 
God." 

How  long  he  sat  against  the  tree,  awaiting  death  with  his 
sword  by  his  side  like  a  true  conqueror,  he  never  knew  in 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  67 

after  days.  Feeling  himself,  as  he  thought,  in  extremity, 
he  prayed  most  fervently,  commending  himself  most 
specially  to  the  Madonna,  for  he  was  a  good  Christian  on  all 
four  sides. -^ 

His  prayer  was  answered,  as  it  was  fit  it  should  have  been, 
seeing  he  was  the  first  true  Christian  that  ever  prayed  upon 
those  mountains,  and  in  such  desperate  straits.  A  beauteous 
lady^  stood  before  him  bathed  in  celestial  light.  She  spoke 
to  him,  telling  him,  in  the  words  her  Son  so  often  used  during 
his  sojourn  upon  earth,  to  rise  and  walk. 

He  did  so,  and  by  degrees,  struggling  along,  oftentimes 
falling  on  his  knees,  but  always  cheered  and  comforted  by 
the  celestial  vision  he  had  seen.  After  two  days  of  struggling 
and  of  agony  he  reached  the  camp. 

All  his  life  long  no  one  believed  his  story,  although  Fray 
Simon,  who  alone  of  all  the  chroniclers  refers  to  it,  must  have 
had  some  suspicion  as  to  who  the  "  beauteous  lady  "  was. 

If  the  foot  soldiers  fared  badly  amongst  the  mountains, 
the  horses,  upon  which  so  much  depended,  suffered  even 
more.  Since  the  days  of  the  conquest,  no  horse  has  ever 
climbed  the  precipitous  Sierra  de  Opon  by  the  same  road 
Quesada  used. 

The  track,  only  intended  to  be  trodden  by  barefooted 
Indians,  went  up  the  mountain  face.  At  certain  places  it 
became  so  steep  and  ran  so  perilously  near  the  edge  of 
precipices  that  they  were  obliged  to  haul  the  horses  over 
the  worst  spots  with  ropes  made  from  lianas  cut  down  from 
the  trees. 

How  they  survived  such  treatment  is  difificult  to  under- 
stand, and  still  more  difficult  when  it  is  remembered  that 
the  horses  numbered  sixty  and  the  men  not  two  hundred,  and 
most  of  them  weakened  by  fever  and  the  want  of  food.  Still 
they  pushed  on,  vanquishing  every  danger,  with  but  the 
loss  of  a  single  horse,  who  rolled  down  and  was  killed. 
Their   progress   naturally   was   extremely   slow,   and   so 

1  Cristiano  por  los  cuatro  lados — i.e.,  a  man  with  no  admixture 
either  of  Moorish  or  Jewish  blood. 

2  Una  beUisima  senora. 


68  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Quesada,  as  he  waited  for  them,  sent  out  the  ensign  Antonio 
de  Olalla  to  explore  in  front  of  him. 

Olalla  soon  returned  saying  the  mountains  were  impossible 
to  scale,  though  he  had  followed  up  a  valley  to  the  end. 
This  valley  Quesada  named  El  Valle  del  Alfercz,i  a  name 
it  still  retains. 

Quesada,  who,  though  brought  low  with  fever,  still 
remained  just  as  determined  as  he  ever  was,  then  sent  out 
Captains  Cespedes  and  Fonte  with  a  detachment  to  prospect. 
With  them  they  took  the  captive  Indian  Pericon  as  an 
interpreter.  Quesada  told  them  if  when  twenty  days  had 
past,  they  had  not  yet  returned,  he  would  consider  them  as 
dead. 

Fonte  and  Cespedes  pushed  on  into  the  land,  and  found 
each  day  new  towns  and  villages;  and  to  Quesada's  camp 
Indians  arrived,  who  told  him  of  cultivated  country  when 
once  the  hills  were  crossed. 

This  raised  his  spirits  so  much  that  he  shook  the  fever 
off  and  said  he  counted  all  the  hardships  he  had  undergone 
upon  the  river  as  a  mere  nothing,  now  that  success  seemed 
sure. 

The  captains,  Cespedes  and  Fonte,  though  they  heard 
constant  tidings  of  a  rich  country  on  the  other  side  of  the 
hills,  could  get  no  word  of  any  road  across.  Just  as  they 
had  begun  to  lose  all  hope  of  finding  out  a  pass  they  took 
an  Indian  prisoner.  This  poor  savage,  thinking  he  would 
be  killed  and  eaten  by  the  fierce-looking  strangers,  refused 
to  speak  a  word.  When  through  the  offices  of  Pericon 
his  fears  were  calmed,  he  talked  quite  freely,  and  under- 
took to  show  the  way  across  the  hills  by  a  road  that 
he  said  the  Indians  used  to  bring  down  salt  and  other 
merchandise  from  a  well-peopled  country  that  he  professed 
to  know. 

Captains  Cespedes  and  Fonte  followed  it  and  camped 
close  to  an  Indian  village,  and  there  they  learned  that  the 

1  Alferez  =  ensign.  It  is  a  corruption  of  an  Arabic  word  "  el-farez," 
that  means  "  the  horseman."  So  we  may  suppose  that  in  old  times 
ensigns  were  mounted  officers  in  Spain. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  69 

Chief  Opon^  was  in  a  town  hard  by  celebrating  his  marriage 
with  a  new  wife.  The  captains  set  out  and  surprised  the 
place,  and  made  the  newly  married  chief  a  prisoner.  To 
conciliate  him,  they  gave  him  various  presents  of  things  he 
must  have  wanted — such  as  hawksbells,  glass  beads,  and 
knives,  with  other  trifles  from  Castile.^  In  fact,  they  gave 
him  what  the  conquistadores  used  in  all  their  conquests  as 
current  coin,  on  the  occasions  when  they  paid  the  Indians 
for  their  gold. 

The  chief  was  not  deceived  by  their  attempts  to  gain 
his  friendship,  having  perhaps  no  use  for  hawksbells,  or 
having  heard  of  the  exploits  of  the  German  General  Alfinger 
who  had  passed  near  the  valley  of  Opon. 

As  the  two  captains  and  their  men  were  resting  from  their 
fatigue  and  making  sandals  out  of  aloe  fibre,^  for  all  their 
shoes  had  been  worn  out  upon  the  stony  paths,  Opon  sent 
out  to  gather  all  his  followers  to  fall  upon  them. 

Luckily  for  them,  just  as  it  happened  with  Cortes*  in 
Mexico,  an  Indian  woman  gave  them  information  of  the 
plot.  In  the  attack  upon  the  village  of  Opon  the  Spaniards 
had  taken  prisoner  an  Indian  woman.  This  lady  showed 
great  affection  to  the  Spaniards,^  and  it  was  well  for  them 
she  did.  As  they  marched  on,  guided  by  Opon  himself,  this 
captive  Indian  lady  told  the  Spaniards  that  the  chief 
was  leading  them  into  an  ambuscade.  Opon,  of  course, 
denied  the  charge,  until  a  soldier*^  gave  him  so  rude  a  blow 

1  The  Spaniards  called  the  valley  after  the  name  of  the  chief, 
as  happened  so  frequently  all  through  this  conquest.  It  is  curious 
that  the  custom  does  not  seem  to  have  been  often  followed  in  their 
other  conquests,  either  in  Peru  or  Mexico. 

2  Bujerias  de  Castilla. 

3  The  Agave  mexicana  is  known  as  "  fique,"  in  Colombia. 

*  The  story  of  Cortes  and  La  Malinche,  the  Indian  princess  who 
fell  in  love  with  him,  is  told  by  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  in  his  "  Con- 
quest of  New  Spain,"  in  full  detail  and  with  the  picturesque  handling 
that  places  the  old  warrior  in  the  first  rank  of  writers  on  the  conquest. 

5  "  Mostro  gran  aficion  y  amor  6.  los  espafioles":  Fray  Simon, 
cap.  XXX.,  p.  185. 

'  This  soldier  was  far  advanced  in  comprehension  of  the  Indian 
character  ("  Estaba  adelantado  en  la  condicion  de  los  Indies  "). 


70  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

with  the  flat  of  his  sword  that  it  stretched  him  on  the  ground. 
This  gentle  method  of  dealing  with  a  hypocrite  convinced 
Opon  that  honesty  was  the  best  policy,  though  he,  after  the 
fashion  of  so  many  others,  only  recurred  to  it  in  the  last 
resort. 

However,  once  convinced,  he  saw  the  best  thing  he  could 
do  was  to  allay  suspicion,  so  he  sent  in  such  store  of  fresh 
provisions  that  all  the  camp  feasted  for  several  days.  Well 
fed  and  rested,  they  set  out  in  spirits  into  a  desert^  that  lay 
in  front  of  them  that,  according  to  Opon,  would  take  them 
several  days  to  cross.  They  took  good  care  that  the  chief 
should  not  relapse  into  perversity  by  putting  a  stout  leather 
collar  round  his  neck.  A  rope  was  fastened  to  the  collar 
and  a  soldier  held  it  in  his  hand,  being  assured  his  life  would 
pay  the  forfeit  if  the  chief  should  escape.  The  path  ran  on 
the  edge  of  precipices,  but  Opon,  no  doubt  assisted  by  his 
stout  collar  and  the  rope,  guided  them  faithfully  right 
through  the  hills. 

As  the  twenty  days  that  Cespedes  had  promisedjto  Quesada 
he  would  not  exceed  had  now  elapsed,  he  led  his  followers 
back  towards  the  village  of  Opon.  Upon  the  way  Cespedes 
entered  an  Indian  hut  to  rest,  and  found  in  it  some  emeralds 
of  little  value,^  the  first  that  had  been  met  with  in  the 
New  World. 

Upon  arrival  at  the  chief's  village,  they  were  so  much 
pleased  with  his  conduct  as  a  guide  that  they  restored  him 
to  his  liberty,  and  gave  him  some  trifling  presents  from 
Castile — no  doubt  amongst  these  were  the  familiar  hawks- 
bells  and  glass  beads;  but  one  may  hope  that  for  remem- 
brance they  bestowed  upon  him  the  collar  and  the  rope. 
It  would  have  been  a  fitting  parallel  had  he  hung  them  up 
in  his  reed  hut,  just  as  Columbus  always  carried  about  with 
him  the  chains  that  were  his  chief  reward  for  the  discovery 
of  a  world. 

Thus,  through  the  guidance  of  Opon,  Fonte  and  Cespedes 
first   found   the  path  out  into  the  plains,  and    the  con- 

*  "  Un  despoblado  " — literally,  an  unpeopled  place. 
2  Esmeraldas  de  poco  valor. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  71 

quest  of  the  Chibcha  empire  merely  became  a  work  of 
time. 

Lazaro  Fonte  was  left  with  a  few  men  to  guard  the  corn 
the  Spaniards  had  accumulated  in  the  various  Indian 
villages,  and  perhaps  to  keep  an  eye  upon  the  chief. 
Cespedes  returned  to  where  Quesada  had  remained  en- 
camped guarding  the  horses,  for  he  would  never  trust  them 
to  any  but  himself,  knowing  by  the  experience  of  the  con- 
quests of  Peru  and  Mexico  how  valuable  they  were. 

Quesada  knew  that  the  paths  he  must  ascend  to  emerge 
finally  upon  the  plains  were  difficult  to  pass.  Even  to-day 
a  trail  in  the  Colombian  mountains  owes  little  to  the  steep, 
rocky  staircases  of  the  Atlas,  or  those  amongst  the  hills  of 
Ronda,  away  across  the  straits.  All  of  them  are  more  fit 
for  partridges^  than  men. 

In  the  days  of  the  conquest  no  four-footed  beast  had  ever 
travelled  the  Colombian  trails.  They  proved  so  difficult 
that  Quesada  ordered  the  horses  to  be  turned  loose  to  find 
their  way,  without  a  halter  upon  any  of  them.  The  idea 
was  fortunate.  During  the  twelve  days  Quesada  took  to 
rejoin  Fonte  and  Cespedes  at  the  village  of  Opon  only  one 
horse  was  lost. 

Quesada  having  passed  a  night  with  all  his  forces  in  the 
valley  of  the  Alferez,  and  another  in  the  valley  of  the 
Shouting^ — so  called  because  when  Cespedes  and  Fonte 
first  passed  through  it  the  Indians  kept  up  their  war-cries 
all  the  night,  during  an  attack  they  made — he  entered  into 
the  path  Opon  had  led  the  scouts  along  and  emerged  upon 
the  open  plains. 

He  had  now  achieved  the  first  part  of  his  conquest  and 
vanquished  nature  herself  in  her  most  powerful  entrench- 
ments in  the  miasmic  marshes  of  the  Magdalena,  and  from 
henceforth  had  but  to  struggle  with  the  ill-armed  Indians  of 
the  high  plains  of  Bogota.  He  must  have  felt  success  was 
in  his  grasp,  and  certainly  he  had  displayed  such  gifts  of 

1  Camino  de  perdices=road  for  partridges,  is  a  common  term 
in  Spanish  for  a  steep  hill  road. 

2  El  Valle  de  la  Grita. 


72  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

leadership,   so  much  tenacity  of  purpose  and  dipl( 
gifts,  that  he  was  certain  to  succeed.     When  one  surve 
record  of  his  nine  months'  struggle  in  the  wilds,  his  p; 
right  across  the  Andes  by  paths  that  from  his  day  t( 
no  horse  or  even  mule  has  passed  again,  far  easier  moi 
access  having  been  found,  it  is  most  difficult  to  giv 
palm,  whether  to  the  dauntless  leader  struggling  witJ 
unknown  or  to  the  endurance  of  his  followers.     Eacl 
brings  forth  its  special  qualities. 

To-day  the  soldier  stands  in  a  hell  of  noise  and 
Shells  pass  over  him  with  shrieks,  as  of  a  million  dar 
souls  in  pain.  Shrapnel  tears  up  the  earth;  Greek  fire  is 
belched  upon  him,  whilst  suffocating  gases  poison  the  air 
and  stretch  him  gasping  on  the  ground.  Artillery  fires 
with  such  rapidity  as  to  seem  a  continuous  roar  of  flame  and 
death,  and  from  the  heavens  destruction  drops  upon  his 
head.  He  must  stand  firm  and  brave  it  all,  for  there  is  no- 
where for  him  to  go  to,  to  escape  it ;  nowhere  to  hide,  even  for 
those  whose  nerve  has  failed  them  in  the  terrible  ordeal. 
There  he  must  stand  with  thousands  of  his  fellows,  mere 
dumb,  heroic,  cannon  fodder,  with  heads  and  arms  and  legs 
and  entrails  scattered  around  on  every  side  of  him.  In  his 
mute,  glorious  thousands  he  gives  up  his  life,  without  a 
chance  of  recognition  or  of  making  himself  known.  Glory 
comes  seldom  to  the  modern  warrior.  Even  his  general 
hardly  has  an  iota  of  a  chance  of  it.  Should  he  by  merest 
hazard  emerge  from  the  ruck  of  the  commanders  he  receives 
a  peerage,  and  all  his  triumph  is  to  be  huddled  through  the 
streets  with  two  or  three  more  of  his  fellows  in  a  hired 
motor-car. 

Yet  modern  warfare  has  its  compensations.  Food  is 
good  and  plentiful.  Few  soldiers  of  to-day  have  felt  the 
pangs  of  hunger,  almost  none  of  thirst.  Long  and  con- 
tinuous famine  is  unknown  to  them.  Their  clothes  are 
strong  and  warm,  their  boots  well  greased  and  adequate. 
If  they  are  wounded  they  are  conveyed  as  soon  as  possible 
to  hospitals,  and  receive  all  the  attention  that  modern 
Science  has  at  its  command.    They  do  not  leave  their  homes 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  73 

without  a  chance  of  ever  hearing  from  their  friends  and  those 
they  love,  and,  above  all,  they  fight,  suffer,  and  die,  in  the 
main,  in  surroundings  that  are  familiar  to  them.  Houses 
and  trees  they  know,  the  lowing  of  the  cows,  a  windmill 
on  a  hill,  a  tall  church  tower,  speak  to  them  of  things  they 
love  in  their  own  native  lands. 

In  Quesada's  days,  men,  when  they  crossed  the  seas, 
crossed  them  for  ever.  There  was  no  return,  except  in 
rarest  instances.  Skies,  plants,  trees,  seasons,  animals,  men, 
human  habitations,  the  birds  and  fishes,  all  were  strange  to 
them.  Often  they  had  not  the  least  idea  where  they  were 
going  to;  for  the  seas  that  they  sailed  were  all  uncharted, 
the  lands  they  trod  unmapped  and  unsurveyed. 

Hunger  and  thirst  were  always  with  them.  Disease  they 
had  to  fight  without  a  doctor  and  without  medicines.  For 
surgery,  they  had  the  actual  cautery;  hot  grease  poured 
into  wounds,  and  if  a  limb  seemed  to  be  gangrened  or  was 
shattered,  a  comrade  severed  it  with  his  dagger  whilst  three 
or  four  of  his  companions  held  the  sufferer  on  the  ground. 
When  their  clothes  rotted  off  their  fever-stricken  bodies, 
they  went  naked  till  they  got  the  skin  of  some  wild  beast 
to  cover  them.  Certainly  they  did  not  face  a  thousand 
deaths  hurled  at  them  by  mechanical  appliances;  but  they 
faced  poisoned  arrows,  and  the  privations  of  an  earlier  world, 
with  certain  torture  if  they  were  taken  prisoners  by  their 
enemies. 

Their  sufferings  also  had  their  compensations.  They 
lived  a  healthier  and  more  natural  life.  They  were  not,  as 
are  those  modern  fellow-victims  of  the  universal  folly  of 
mankind,  mere  cogwheels  in  great  machines,  whose  evolu- 
tions they  can  neither  make  nor  mar,  nor  even  hinder,  protest 
they  as  they  may.  The  soldiers  of  Quesada  were  not  caught 
so  irrevocably  in  the  hand  of  fate.  At  least,  they  could 
preserve  some  individuality.  Their  chances  of  distinction 
were  far  greater.  The  records  of  the  conquest  teem  with 
accounts  of  poor,  illiterate  men  who  rose  to  eminence. 
Pizarro  was  a  swineherd;  Almagro  a  bricklayer's  labourer; 
Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  only  a  donkey-driver;  Bernal  Diaz 


74  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

del  Castillo  a  page  to  the  great  Cortes;  and  Pedro  Cieza  de 
Leon,  the  best  historian  of  the  conquest  of  Peru,  a  common 
soldier.  Yet  most  of  these  died  governors  of  provinces, 
with  titles  and  with  honours  showered  upon  them. 

Each  age  brought  out  its  different  qualities,  by  reason  of 
the  different  sufferings  its  prototypes  were  called  on  to  endure. 
Suffering  is  the  mother  of  the  virtues,  and  every  age  has 
endured  so  much,  that  the  majority  of  men  should  all  be 
virtuous. 

In  one  thing,  and  one  quality  alone,  the  soldiers  of 
Quesada's  time  joined  hands  with  those  of  yesterday.  Both 
were  as  patient  as  an  lona  Cross  under  the  Highland  rain. 
Death,  hunger,  thirst,  wounds,  neglect,  the  criticism  of 
dullards  and  of  fools,  left  both  of  them  unmoved.  Let 
him  who  can  or  dares  award  the  palm  to  either  age.  They 
were  all  men. 


CHAPTER  VII 

QuESADA  now  had  brought  to  an  end  successfully  one  of  the 
most  extraordinary  marches  that  the  world  has  known. 
In  all  the  annals  of  the  conquest  it  has  no  parallel,  except 
that  of  Cortes  from  Mexico  to  Honduras;  but  then  Cortes 
was  at  the  acme  of  his  fame  and  set  out  with  a  large  and 
well-appointed  army,  and  had  at  his  disposal  all  the  treasure 
of  Montezuma,  the  last  Aztec  king,  whereas  Quesada  had 
but  little  money,  and  was  practically  unknown — certainly 
quite  unknown  in  Spain. 

His  resources  were  but  few  and  he  had  no  chance  of  re- 
ceiving reinforcements,  for  the  colonists  of  Santa  Marta 
all  thought  that  he  was  dead,  as  they  had  received  no  tidings 
of  him  for  nearly  a  whole  year.  "  He  and  the  whole  army 
were  grateful  to  the  Lord  for  having  brought  them  safely 
through  so  many  dangers.  Especially  because  He  had 
allowed  the  '  sun  of  the  Gospel  '^  to  shine  for  the  first  time 
in  those  neglected  valleys,  to  lighten  the  darkness  that  the 
devil  had  spread  over  the  souls  of  those  poor  '  naturals.'  "^ 

The  Gospel  sun  is  "  awfu'  easy  carried,"  as  Highlanders 
say  of  the  Gaelic  tongue.  Still,  few  would  have  suspected 
that  Quesada's  soldiers  had  a  great  deal  of  it.  They  had 
the  grace,  however,  to  come  and  thank  him  in  a  body,  and 
specially  to  give  their  thanks  because  he  had  not  listened 
to  them  when  they  had  wanted  to  turn  back.  Thus  he  was 
justified  of  faith  as  well  as  works,  a  conjunction  that  but 
seldom  gratifies  a  man,  here  in  this  vale  of  tears. 

As  from  the  reports  he  had  received  from  the  Indians  he 
had  captured,  he  knew  that  he  was  now  close  to  well- 

1  El  Sol  del  Evangelic. 

2  "  Naturales."  This  shows  that  we  were  not  the  first  to  use  the 
endearing  term  of  "  native." 

75 


76  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

peopled  districts,  Quesada  naturally  was  anxious  to  ascertain 
how  he  stood  as  to  numbers  and  in  regard  to  the  condition 
of  his  men. 

So  he  determined  to  review  his  army,  and  at  the  muster, 
found  that  of  a  thousand  men  who  had  either  left  Santa 
Marta  with  him  nine  months  ago,  or  had  been  sent  to  him 
in  the  shape  of  reinforcements,  only  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
six  remained.^  Not  a  large  force  with  which  to  conquer  an 
extensive  empire,  and  smaller,  by  a  good  deal,  than  were  the 
expeditions,  either  of  Pizarro  or  Cortes. 

Most  of  those  who  had  died  had  not  been  slain  in 
battle;  the  sea,  the  river,  fevers,  the  deadly  climate,  wild 
animals,  snakes,  alligators,  the  perpetual  rain,  the  want  of 
every  necessary  and  all  comfort,  had  by  degrees,  as  it  were, 
melted  them  away.  Their  bones  must  have  been  almost 
in  sufficient  numbers  to  serve  as  landmarks  on  the  death 
journey  they  had  undertaken;  just  as  the  skeletons  of 
baggage  animals  actually  mark  the  path  across  the  deserts 
of  the  East. 

Those  who  survived  must  indeed  have  become  case- 
hardened,  immune  to  the  effects  of  climate,  real "  baquianos,"^ 
fit  to  face  any  odds  and  conquer  or  to  die  in  the  attempt. 

Luckily  the  horses  had  suffered  less  in  proportion  than 
the  men,  for  at  least  they  usually  found  grass,  so  that  they 
reached  the  plains  in  tolerable  condition,  able  and  fit  to  work. 

Thus  once  again  was  Quesada  justified  in  his  great  care 
of  them,  and  in  the  severe  but  necessary  step  he  took  in 
executing  the  poor  wretch  who  in  the  pangs  of  hunger  killed 
his  horse  for  food.  Had  but  the  horses  all  been  lost,  or 
even  only  a  few  remained,  the  expedition  might  have  been 
rendered  impotent  to  face  the  serried  forces  of  the  Indians 
that  they  were  destined  to  encounter,  before  that  Bogota 
was  won. 

Fortunately  for  Quesada  he  was  relatively  stronger  in 

1  The  actual  number  of  those  who  had  been  with  him  was  one 
hundred  and  eighty,  as  twenty  sick  men  had  arrived  at  Santa  Marta 
with  the  Licentiate  Gallegos. 

2  Seasoned  soldiers. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  77 

horses  than  was  Pizarro  or  Cortes,  for  sixty  had  survived. 
More  fortunately  still,  the  Chibchas  were  not  the  warlike 
Mexicans  with  whom  Cortes  had  to  contend.  Moreover, 
he  had  got  into  a  country  that  had  a  climate  in  which 
Europeans  did  not  suffer  from  the  rigorous  cold  that  they 
endured  under  Pizarro  on  the  high  plateaux  of  Peru, 

Upon  the  plains  of  Bogota  the  thermometer  seldom  or 
never  rises  above  66  degrees^  or  falls  below  50  or  52. 

The  actual  place  where  the  memorable  review  of  the  scant 
forces  occurred  was  El  Valle  de  las  Turmas.^ 

All  passed  quietly  on  the  day  after  the  review.  No  doubt 
the  men  remained  in  camp,  cleaning  their  arms,  exercising 
the  horses,  resting  after  their  manifold  fatigues,  and  talking 
over  what  fate  still  held  in  store  for  them.  It  was  almost 
their  last  day  without  fighting,  alarms,  or  adventures  of  one 
kind  or  another,  till  they  had  made  themselves  the  masters 
of  the  land. 

Early  next  morning  they  were  attacked  in  force.  From 
every  point  of  vantage :  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  appear- 
ing as  it  were  from  nowhere,  till  the  whole  valley  seemed 
to  boil  with  Indians,^  enemies  appeared.  After  a  desultory 
battle  that  raged  all  day  and  the  greater  portion  of  the 
night,  Quesada  found  himself  forced  to  break  camp  and 
set  out  farther  into  the  plains,  so  as  to  have  the  benefit  of  his 
cavalry.  Captain  Inza  with  his  band  of  "  macheteros  "  ■* 
led  the  advance.  The  Indians,  trusting  in  their  superior 
numbers,  tried  to  get  to  close  quarters  with  the  Spaniards, 
thinking  to  overwhelm  them  with  a  rush.  Captain  Inza, 
seeing  at  a  glance  the  danger  of  their  tactics,  jumped  on  his 
barebacked  horse,  having  no  saddle,  as  it  had  probably 
either  been  eaten  in  the  days  of  famine  or  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  continued  rains. 

Followed   by   one   Rodriguez   Gil  he   charged   into   the 

^  Fahrenheit. 

2  "  Turmas  de  tierra  "  are  truflfles. 

3  Pues  no  habia  valle,  ni  cerro,  cumbre  ni  ladera  que  no  hirviese 
con  Indios. 

*  These  were  the  pioneers  who  had  opened  the  paths  through  the 
forests  in  the  low  country. 


78  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

thickest  of  the  foe.  Naturally,  they  made  a  terrible  de- 
struction of  the  Indians  with  their  lances,  and  must  have 
been  good  horsemen,  as  it  is  difficult  to  use  a  lance  effectively 
upon  a  barebacked  horse. 

After  God,  indeed,  Oucsada  owed  this  victory  and  many 
others  to  his  horses,  although  most  of  the  men  had  lost  their 
saddles  and  their  bridles,  and  had  to  fight  with  halters  of 
lianas  run  through  their  horses'  mouths  or  tied  beneath  their 
jaws. 

Powder  was  very  scarce  amongst  his  men  and  had  been 
rendered  almost  useless  by  the  damp.  The  crossbows 
were  in  somewhat  better  state;  but  even  they  had  suffered, 
for  the  strings  were  so  weakened  by  the  wet  as  to  lose  half 
their  power.  Their  swords  were  rusty,  and  as  their  scabbards 
had  long  rotted  and  been  thrown  away  or  boiled  for  soup, 
the  men  had  made  new  sheaths  of  snake  skins,  and  the  fresh 
grease  of  these  had  spoiled  the  temper  of  the  steel  so  that 
they  broke  at  the  first  stroke.  They  had  some  lance  heads, 
cane-knives,^  and  daggers ;  but  in  the  main  they  fought  with 
clubs  and  javelins  that  they  had  taken  from  the  Indians, 
and  spears  of  Guaduas^  hardened  in  the  fire. 

The  charge  of  Captain  Inza  on  his  barebacked  horse 
had  shown  the  Indians  what  a  horseman  could  accomplish, 
though  bridleless  and  saddleless,  and  in  the  future,  when  they 
saw  horsemen  issuing  from  the  ranks,  they  turned  and  fled 
for  refuge  to  the  rocks. 

This  skirmish  left  the  road  open  to  Quesada,  who  marched 
on,  and  in  the  month  of  January,  1538,  encamped  in  the 
district  of  Chipata,  where  now  the  town  of  Velez  stands. 

He  had  been  more  than  ten  months  wandering  in  the 
wilds,  not  in  the  least  knowing  where  he  was  going  to,  till 
he  came  out  upon  the  plains  after  his  adventurous  passage 
through  the  hills.  He  knew  that  he  had  arrived  at  the 
country  of  the  Chibchas;  but  only  had  the  vaguest  notions 
obtained  from  the  captive  Indian  Pericon  of  its  extent,  its 
population,  or  its  capacity  for  war.  Pericon  was  of  the 
greatest  service  to  him  as  an  interpreter. 

1  Machetes.  2  Guadua  =  bamboo. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  79 

Quesada  naturally  was  anxious  to  learn  all  he  could  about 
the  different  tribes,  with  whom  most  probably  he  soon  would 
have  to  fight. 

Pericon,  who  seems  to  have  been  well  disposed  to  him 
and  intelligent,  told  him  that  there  were  many  tribes — some 
subject  to  the  great  Chibcha  chief  Bogota,  and  some  at 
war  with  him. 

Each  tribe  had  its  own  chieftain  called  an  Usaque,  and 
Bogota  himself  was  called  the  Great  Usaque — that  is.  Chief 
Paramount.  His  chief  town  was  known  as  Muequeta. 
This  place  the  Spaniards  never  called  by  its  right  name; 
but  renamed  it  Bogota,^  following  their  usual  custom  in 
this  conquest  of  naming  all  the  places  that  they  took  after 
the  reigning  chiefs.  At  the  conquest  the  term  Nuevo  Reino 
de  Granada,  only  was  applied  to  Bogota  and  the  surrounding 
plain.     By  degrees  it  was  extended  to  what  is  now  Colombia. 

The  place  near  Velez  where  Quesada  had  encamped 
was  the  headquarters  of  a  chief  called  Sacre,  whose  name 
the  Spaniards,  as  it  happened,  never  used  to  designate  the 
town.  Here,  once  again,  Quesada  drew  up  his  ragged  host 
and  once  more  spoke  to  them. 

Of  all  the  speeches  that  are  recorded  of  the  conquerors, 
this  one  in  some  ways  was  the  most  remarkable  that  has 
come  down  to  us.  After  congratulating  his  men  for  having 
escaped  so  many  perils,  by  the  aid  of  God,  he  said : 

"  We  are  now  in  a  settled  and  well-populated  country. 
Let  no  one  show  violence  to  any  man.  We  must  have  con- 
fidence in  God,  and  carry  matters  with  a  light  hand.^  Thus 
shall  we  gain  the  sympathy  of  those  we  meet,  for  after  all 
they  are  men  like  ourselves,  if  perhaps  not  so  civilized,^  and 
every  man  likes  to  be  treated  with  civility.  So  will  these 
Indians.     Therefore  we  must  not  take  from  them  that  which 

1  It  is  said  that  even  to-day,  when  talking  amongst  themselves, 
the  Indians  use  the  name  Muequeta. 

2  La  mano  blanda  (Fray  Simon). 

3  "Industriados  "  may  be  rendered  by  civilized,  as  it  would  appear 
that  was  what  Quesada  wished  to  convey.  Whether  the  "  in- 
dustrialized "  man  is  really  more  civilized  than  the  Australian 
black,  in  essentials,  is  a  question  for  commentators. 


8o  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

they  do  not  want  to  give.  By  following  this  plan,  they  will 
give  us  what  we  require,  whereas  by  harsh  treatment  we 
shall  force  them  to  withhold  even  necessities.  After  all, 
even  the  ground  we  tread  upon  is  theirs,  by  natural  and 
divine  right,  and  they  allow  us  as  a  favour  to  be  here,  and 
owe  us  nothing." 

No  other  conqueror,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Alvar 
Nuiiez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,^  seems  to  have  dreamed  of  taking 
up  such  a  position  towards  the  Indians. 

The  whole  speech  was  instinct  with  a  spirit  of  justice 
and  humanity,  that  it  would  have  been  wise  in  him  to  have 
followed  to  the  end. 

Quesada  without  doubt  had  profited  by  his  study  of  the 
law,  as  it  appears  laid  down  in  books,  as  distinct  from  its 
practice  in  the  courts.  Fray  Simon  says  the  speech  was 
pleasing  both  to  the  captains  and  the  soldiers.  If  this  was 
so  it  must  have  pleased  them  as  a  speech  dwelling  upon  the 
evils  of  intemperance  is  often  pleasing  to  a  drunkard. 

Such  speeches  seem  to  act  as  anodynes  to  conscience, 
stilling  it  as  curari  paralyzes  the  nervous  system;  but  at 
the  same  time,  unlike  curari,  leaving  the  will  full  strength. 
Quesada  must  have  known,  and  if  he  did  not  know,  the 
inexorable  logic  of  facts  soon  showed  it  to  him  plainly,  that 
his  soldiers  primarily  were  on  the  lookout  for  gold.  To 
do  him  justice,  except  on  one  occasion  when  he  was  overborne 
by  threatened  mutiny,  he  strove  to  carry  out  his  theories. 
That  in  itself  is  to  his  credit,  and  places  him  above  almost  all 
conquerors  of  North  and  South  America  and  those  of  Africa 
to-day.  Not  one  of  these  seem  to  have  had  the  least  per- 
ception that  a  mere  "  native  "  had  inherent  rights  in  his 
own  land. 

*  Alvar  Nunez  was  the  conqueror  of  Florida.  Throughout  the 
conquest  he  treated  the  Indians  well.  Subsequently  he  made  a 
wonderful  march  from  Santa  Caterina,  in  Brazil,  to  Paraguay,  and 
became  the  first  governor  of  that  country.  His  interference  on 
behalf  of  the  Indians  gained  him  the  hatred  of  the  colonists,  who 
sent  him  a  prisoner  in  chains  to  Spain.  After  years  of  litigation 
he  was  set  free,  and  all  charges  against  him  disproved.  Colonial 
governors  in  all  empires,  even  to-day  have  to  walk  warily  in  regard 
to  "  natives." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  8i 

After  this  homily  they  set  out,  as  we  may  presume,  re- 
freshed in  spirit,  and  not  confiding  in  their  few  rusty  arms, 
but  in  their  valiant  hearts. 

As  they  pursued  their  way  across  the  plains,  with  Quesada 
and  his  captains  riding  at  their  head,  the  terror  that  the 
horses  wrought  on  the  poor  Indians  was  so  great,  they 
threw  themselves  with  their  faces  fiat  upon  the  ground  so 
as  to  avoid  the  sight  of  the  awe-inspiring  beasts.  Others 
remained  like  statues,  rooted  to  the  ground,  afraid  to  move 
a  limb. 

The  expedition,  though  it  had  emerged  out  of  the 
Magdalenian  wilds,  was  still  in  the  hot  country, ^  though 
every  mile  they  marched  brought  them  towards  a  cooler 
temperature. 

They  reached  a  town  close  to  the  River  Sarabita,  from 
which  the  Indians  all  had  fled  on  learning  their  approach. 
This  town — or,  to  be  accurate,  the  place  where  once  a  Spanish 
town  existed — is  known  to-day  as  Mariquita.  From  it  they 
came  to  Sorocota,  and  found  some  vegetables  unknown  to 
them,  though  some  of  those  who  had  been  in  Peru  said  that 
their  name  was  "  papas  " — that  is,  potatoes,  for  the  potato 
is  indigenous  to  Bogota. 

From  Sorocota  Quesada  marched  to  a  town  known  to 
the  Indians  as  Tinea.  It  is  now  called  Honda,  a  delightful 
old  Spanish  town  situated  on  a  rocky  eminence  that  over- 
looks the  rapids  of  the  Magdalena,  and  was  for  years  the 
place  where  travellers  left  the  steamboats  and  rode  on 
muleback,  up  the  old  trail  to  Bogota. 

Quesada  followed  the  same  road  by  which  so  many  thousand 
travellers  have  jogged  along  in  modern  times.  The 
Spaniards  after  the  conquest  made  a  narrow  paved  track, 
arched  in  the  middle  like  a  Roman  military  road.  Now  it 
is  left  deserted  since  the  railway  has  been  opened  from  the 
town  of  Girardot.  It  ran  by  Guaduas,  a  town  Quesada 
halted  at;  now,  broken  into  holes  and  quite  forlorn,  it  yet 
remains,  worn  slippery  by  the  passing  feet  of  countless 
mules,  to  mark  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  country,  as 

1  Tierra  Caliente. 

6 


82  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

it  once  served  Quesada  to  mount  the  last  ascent  into  the 
plains. 

After  he  had  passed  Guaduas  he  held  another  muster  of  his 
soldiers  in  the  valley  of  Marquira,  and  found  that  since  his  last 
review  they  had  not  lost  a  man.  This  muster  took  place 
on  the  I2th  of  March,  1538  or  1539,  according  as  we  take  the 
date  given  by  Fray  Simon  or  by  the  other  chroniclers. 

It  was  just  eleven  months  since  they  had  started  from 
Santa  Marta,  and  as  it  was  St.  Gregory's  Day  Quesada 
called  the  place  San  Gregorio,  a  name  that  it  still  bears. 

As  they  marched  up  the  valley  they  found,  as  they  ad- 
vanced, well-populated  villages  on  every  side  of  them,  with 
all  the  houses  grouped  round  the  habitation  of  the  chief. 

Just  as  in  Mexico,  the  Indians  took  the  Spaniards  for 
Children  of  the  Sun,  and  offered  sacrifices  to  them.  They  were 
with  difficulty  persuaded  that  the  Spaniards  were  not 
cannibals,  and  threw  young  children  down  the  rocks  for 
them  to  feast  upon. 

Luckily  Quesada  took  an  old  man  prisoner,  and  having 
given  him  a  red  cap  and  other  trifles,^  sent  him  back  to  his 
countrymen  as  an  ambassador.  Being  convinced  at  last 
that  the  supposititious  Children  of  the  Sun  did  not  eat 
children,  the  Indians  sent  a  deputation  to  the  camp  to  see 
Quesada  and  to  talk  with  him.  The  opportunity  was  too 
good  to  be  missed,  especially  to  one  bred  to  the  law  as  was 
Quesada;  so  he  at  once  took  up  his  parable. 

Speaking  through  the  interpreter  Pericon,^  he  told  the 
Indians  that  the  Spaniards  had  come  both  for  their  temporal 
and  their  spiritual  improvement.  How  it  did  not  appear; 
but  in  a  sermon  that,  following  the  example  both  of  Pizarro 
and  Cortes,  he  preached,  he  laid  before  them  all  the  mysteries 
of  our  faith.  What  they  thought  of  the  dogma  is  not 
recorded;  but  it  may  have  been  beneficial  to  them,  in  some 
way  not  yet  made  plain  to  us.  At  any  rate,  in  all  the 
villages  they  passed,  the   Indians  came  out  peacefully^  to 

*  Chucherias. 

2  "  Por  boca  de  ganso  " — that  is,  speaking  by  a  goose's  mouth,  as 
goes  the  Spanish  phrase.  ^  Salieron  de  paz. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  83 

welcome  them.  This  was  a  source  of  great  astonishment  to 
the  Spaniards,  as  on  the  Magdalena  they  had  always  been 
attacked. 

At  a  place  known  as  La  Pena  Tajada,^  where  a  mountain 
stream  has  cut  a  passage  through  the  living  rock,  Quesada 
found  writings  and  pictures  on  the  stones.  As  the  writings 
and  the  figures  were  at  a  great  height  upon  the  rocks,  some 
of  the  chroniclers  seem  to  have  thought  that  they  were  put 
there  only  to  mystify.^ 

'  That  Quesada's  speech  to  his  soldiers  was  not  mere 
rhetoric  seems  to  be  established  by  the  fact  that  in  the  town 
of  Tuesca,  not  far  from  the  place  where  he  had  seen  the 
writings  on  the  rocks,  he  hung  a  soldier  for  plundering.  The 
charge  was  subsequently  proved  false.  Still  it  serves  to 
show  what  a  hold  he  had  upon  his  soldiers,  that  no  one 
murmured  at  the  act. 

After  the  execution  he  again  issued  strict  orders  against 
plundering,  knowing  how  important  it  was  for  him  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  the  Indians. 

The  next  important  village  that  he  passed  bore  the  name 
of  Nemocon.^ 

However,  peace  was  not  long  destined  to  endure. 

The  Cacique'*  Bogota,  who  is  described  by  several  of  the 
chroniclers  as  a  "  barbarous  tyrant,"  fell  upon  Quesada's 
rearguard,  chiefly  composed  of  sick  and  wounded  men. 
They  resisted  valiantly,  until  Quesada  had  time  to  send  back 
reinforcements  under  Captain  Cespedes.  These  charged 
the  Indians  upon  horseback  and  made  a  fearful  slaughter  of 

^  The  Pierced  Rock. 

2  An  ingenuous,  or  perhaps  ingenious,  hypothesis.  Near  the 
Mesa  de  Cardujan,  in  the  State  of  Nuevo  Leon  in  Mexico,  there 
are  similar  pictures  and  writings  at  a  great  height  upon  the  rocks. 
In  the  days  when  I  passed  through  the  valley,  the  Mescalero 
Apaches  made  things  unhealthy  for  archaeologists.  Quesada  him- 
self has  left  no  comment  upon  these  Indian  writings,  though  as  a 
lawyer  it  may  well  have  struck  him  that  they  were  a  specimen  of 
Indian  conveyancing. 

3  In  the  Chibcha  language  it  is  said  to  have  meant  "  The  Lament 
of  the  Lion." 

*  Cacique = chief. 


84  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

them,  thus  opening  up  the  way  to  the  town  of  Zipaquira. 
As  they  were  now  well  into  the  Sabana^  de  Bogota,  that  is 
as  flat  as  a  billiard  table,  the  cavalry  could  act  with  great 
effect.  Quesada  thus  was  justified  in  the  severe  measures 
that  he  had  been  compelled  to  take  to  preserve  his  cavalry 
at  any  cost. 

The  people  that  Quesada  now  found  himself  amongst  were 
semi-civilized.  Fray  Simon  says  they  "  gave  divinity  to 
the  sun  amongst  the  other  brash  of  idols  that  they  had."^ 
The  temples  that  they  erected  to  the  sun  were  very  different 
from  the  great  stone  edifices  that  the  conquerors  found  to 
the  same  deity  in  Cuzco,  Quito,  and  in  Mexico.  They  would 
appear  to  have  been  but  mere  straw  huts.^  In  them  were 
hung  up  offerings  of  thin  gold  plates,  fine  cotton  cloths, 
emeralds  and  coloured  beads.  They  also  burned  a  perfume 
to  their  gods,  made  of  a  fruit  called  moque,  that  gave  out 
a  most  abominable  stench.^  Children  were  sacrificed  in 
their  temples,  and  their  bodies  left  out  on  the  hills  for  the 
sun  to  devour.  In  no  other  part  of  America  does  it  appear 
that  human  victims  were  offered  up  to  the  sun,  though 
certainly  in  Mexico  the  God  of  War  was  thus  propitiated. 
Generally  the  Sun-god  appears  to  have  been  rather  an 
abstraction,  a  sort  of  summing  up  of  the  powers  of  nature, 
rather  than  a  finite  deity.  Amongst  the  Muyscas,  for  the 
Chibchas^  appear  to  have  had  two  names,  this  was  far  from 
the  case. 

The  Muyscas  certainly  had  made  some  progress  towards 
civilization  and  a  settled  polity.     Although  they  had  no 

1  "  Sab^na  "  is  the  word  generally  used  in  the  north  of  South 
America  for  a  plain.  It  literally  means  "  a  sheet,"  though,  when 
used  in  that  sense,  it  is  pronounced  "  sibana  "  and  not  "  sab^na." 

2  "  Daban  deidad  al  sol  entre  los  demas  idolos  de  toda  broza  que 
tenian."  "  Broza  "  literally  means  "  rubbish."  I  have  ventured 
to  translate  it  by  the  Scottish  word  "  brash." 

3  Tenianle  al  sol  hechos  unos  templos  no  suntuosos,  sino  acomo- 
dados  buhios  (huts). 

*  Que  su  olor  quemada  es  tan  abominable  que  no  se  puede  sufrir. 

^  Chibcha  may  have  been  the  term  used  to  designate  the  king- 
dom of  the  INIuyscas ;  the  name  by  which  the  people  called  themselves. 
Muysca,  or  Muisca,  is  said  to  have  meant  "  a  man." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  85 

stone  buildings,  and  the  pictorial  arts  were  little  developed 
in  their  kingdom,  they  had  a  calendar  of  an  extremely 
complicated  kind.  The  moon  was  the  chief  object  of  their 
adoration,  so  their  calendar  was  framed  upon  her  phases. 
Twenty  moons  made  a  year,  and,  curiously  enough,  although 
they  counted  on  their  fingers  and  had  names  for  the  numbers 
only  up  to  ten,  they  had  a  word  for  twenty,  for  it  appears 
to  have  had  some  sacred  signification  for  them,  and  thus  the 
numbers  5, 10, 15,  and  20  were  used  by  them  for  the  carrying 
out  of  business,  agriculture,  the  times  of  sowing  and  of 
planting,  and  generally  throughout  their  lives. 

The  interpretation  of  the  calendar  was  left  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  their  wise  men  and  chiefs,  who  prophesied  or 
calculated  the  times  of  sowing  and  of  reaping,  foretold 
droughts,  famines,  triumphs,  and  everything  connected  with 
their  state,  making  the  Indians  their  dupes,  and  being  held 
themselves  as  little  short  of  gods. 

Thus,  though  barbarians,  they  were  far  from  savages, 
and  many  times  removed  from  the  rude  tribes  upon  the 
Magdalena,  amongst  whom  Quesada  and  his  men  had 
wandered  almost  for  a  year. 

Quesada  probably  first  met  the  Indians  who  had  come 
under  the  influence  of  the  Muysca  civilization  in  the  town 
of  Zipaquira,  for  it  is  well  within  the  plain  of  Bogota. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

At  Zipaquira  it  must  have  been  manifest  to  Quesada  that 
he  had  a  conquest  nearly  as  important  as  those  of  Peru  and 
Mexico,  almost  within  his  grasp.  On  all  sides  he  had 
evidence  of  a  state  that  had  some  of  the  attributes  of  stability 
and  power. 

The  very  fact  that  at  the  place  he  was  encamped  the 
Indians  obtained  sufficient  salt,  not  only  for  their  own  con- 
sumption, but  for  export  to  the  tribes  upon  the  Magdalena, 
must  have  impressed  a  man  whose  powers  of  observation 
were  so  keen.  Trained  as  he  had  been  to  the  law,  well 
educated,  and  with  his  mind  rendered  more  acute  by  all  the 
sufferings  of  the  past  years,  and  made  more  confident  by  his 
success  in  the  new  profession  he  had  embarked  in,  he  saw 
no  doubt  that  he  was  destined  for  great  things.  From  his 
experience  of  Indian  fighting,  he  must  clearly  have  per- 
ceived that  the  mere  numbers  of  the  Indians  would  make 
no  difference  to  his  success,  so  long  as  he  was  able  to  preserve 
his  cavalry  intact.  His  popularity  amongst  his  followers 
had  never  stood  so  high.  It  has  been  well  said  that  the 
world  goes  out  to  meet  the  conqueror;  but  he  must  conquer 
first.  This  in  a  measure  Quesada  had  already  done.  None 
could  have  doubted  that  he  was,  by  far,  the  man  of  the  best 
education  in  the  host.  Still  soldiers,  especially  when  faced 
with  hunger  and  with  danger,  are  not  generally  inclined  to 
make  too  much  of  education,  unless  the  qualities  of  leader- 
ship are  joined  to  it,  as  they  were  most  undoubtedl}'  in 
Quesada's  case. 

The  Spaniards  of  those  days,  just  emerged  as  they  were 
from  eight  centuries  of  warfare  with  the  Moors,  and  for  the 
first  time  masters  in  their  own  country,  esteemed  but  two  pro- 
fessions— the  Church  and  arms.     To  the  first  they  gave  the 

8b 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  87 

blind  devotion  and  respect  so  frequent  in  all  martial  nations ; 
but  to  the  second  their  affection,  and  affection  usually  is 
stronger  than  respect.  Thus  men,  such  as  were  Charles  V., 
Gonzalo  de  Cordoba,  he  whom  his  countrymen  styled  "  the 
great  Captain,"^  the  Marquis  of  Peschiera,  with  Pizarro 
and  Cortes,  were  national  heroes  for  their  success  in  war. 
All  were  the  victims  of  the  jealousy  and  the  neglect  of 
Charles  V.  and  his  son  Philip ;  but  none  the  less  the  Spanish 
people  almost  worshipped  them. 

Each  expedition,  such  as  that  Quesada  led,  always  set 
out  buoyed  up  with  the  hope  of  finding  another  Mexico  or 
a  Peru ;  nor  was  the  hope  entirely  without  foundation,  as  so 
much  of  America  was  still  unknown.  In  spite  of  Prescott 
and  of  Robertson  and  other  Protestant  historians  biased 
by  their  religion  against  Catholics,  and  blinded  by  their 
belief  in  Anglo-Saxonism  to  the  good  qualities  of  the  Latin 
race,  pride  in  the  addition  of  more  territory  and  power  to 
the  Spains^  must  have  weighed  greatly  with  the  conquerors. 

The  love  of  gain  certainly  was  strong  in  them,  as  it  is 
strong  in  all  mankind ;  but  it  could  not  have  been  the  only 
motive  that  induced  the  Spaniards  to  endure  such  hardships 
and  such  perils  as  they  suffered  in  their  quest.  Base  motives 
never  yet  have  set  men  on  to  do  great  deeds.  Not  five  per 
cent.,  nor  twenty,  nor  yet  the  illimitable  wealth  of  Potosi, 
could  have  been  the  only  power  that  sent  men  in  a  vast  tide 
to  the  New  World.  Besides  the  hope  of  planting  their 
religion,  that,  be  it  not  forgotten,  they  believed  in  steadfastly 
and  with  enthusiasm,  no  doubt  adventure  and  the  hope 
of  glory  bulked  largely  in  their  minds. 

That  they  were  cruel  is  a  truism ;  but  not  more  cruel  than 
were  other  conquerors  at  the  time  when  they  lived,  or  than 
are  conquerors  to-day. 

One  thing  is  certain,  and  it  stands  to  their  credit  and 
should  not  have  been  forgotten  by  their  critics  who  in  their 
comfortable  armchairs  wrote  of  the  deeds  of  men,  far  away 
from  their  native  land,  beyond  the  usual  restraints  of 
civilized  opinion  and  amongst  myriads  of  foes. 

1  El  Gran  Capitan.  2  Las  Espanas. 


88  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

When  the  first  fury  of  the  conquest  had  spent  itself,  and 
when  men  such  as  the  great  Las  Casas,  the  Apostle  to  the 
Indians,  had  denounced  the  infamies  that  had  been  com- 
mitted, the  Spaniards  stayed  their  hands. 

In  most  of  the  republics  they  left  Indians  who  to-day  are 
citizens,  and  who  have  risen  in  some  instances  to  the  highest 
offices  of  state.^  How  many,  the  Indians  in  the  United 
States  or  Canada  ?  In  what  Valhalla  suitable  to  them  are 
the  inhabitants  of  Tasmania,  or  the  Australian  blacks? 
An  enlightened  Anglo-Saxon  Protestantism  has  allowed 
them  to  be  exterminated,  thus  at  one  blow  solving  the 
problem  of  their  duty  to  an  inferior  race.  What  does  it 
matter  ?     After  all,  they  wore  no  trousers.^ 

Quesada  had  made  manifest  to  all  his  little  world,  that 
microcosm  of  his  fatherland,  soldiers,  camp  followers,  and 
priests  camped  at  Zipaquira,  that  he  could  suffer  with 
the  most  enduring,  and  that  his  courage  was  superior 
to  that  of  all  his  followers,  for  he  alone  had  never  once 
despaired. 

He  had  the  confidence  and  the  admiration  of  the  ex- 
pedition, and  by  his  speeches  it  is  clear  that  he  had  compre- 
hended his  position  in  relation  to  the  natives  of  the  land 
more  clearly  than  any  other  of  the  conquerors.  That  he 
was  led  away — perhaps  by  circumstances,  perhaps  by  weak- 
ness, or  perhaps  by  love  of  gain — from  his  position,  and  fell 
into  most  of  the  usual  practices  of  the  other  conquerors,  is  but 
to  say  that  he  was  human,  liable  to  err,  and  that  his  practice, 
just  as  does  our  own,  did  not  square  truly  with  the  thesis  of 
his  life. 

Before  Quesada  marched  from  Zipaquira  a  picturesque 
incident  occurred,  that  must  have  reminded  some  of  the 
older  soldiers  of  tales  that  they  had  heard  in  youth  of  the 
wars  with  the  Moors. 

1  Benito  Juarez,  the  Liberator  of  Mexico  from  the  French  in- 
vasion, was  a  pure-blooded  Indian.  Porfirio  Diaz,  for  thirty  years 
the  president  of  Mexico,  had  at  least  three  parts  of  Indian  blood  in 
his  veins. 

2  "Mais  quoi !  ils  ne  portaient  pas  des  haults  de  chausses  !" 
(Montaigne). 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  89 

An  Indian  advancing  from  the  ranks  challenged  any  of 
the  Spaniards  to  single  combat.^  Captain  Lazaro  Fonte, 
always  ready  for  a  fight,  sprang  on  his  horse  barebacked, 
having  no  saddle  probably,  and  charged  full  speed  upon  the 
foe,  brandishing  his  lance.  The  Indian  bravely  waited  his 
assault,  that  must  have  seemed  tremendous  to  a  man  who 
had  never  seen  a  horse.  Dropping  his  lance,  Lazaro  Fonte, 
as  he  passed  by  the  Indian,  seized  him  by  his  long  hair  and 
dragged  him  back  a  prisoner  into  the  Spanish  ranks.  After 
this  incident  the  Indians  fell  back,  and  Quesada,  who 
had  remained  with  the  vanguard  at  Nemocon,  advanced, 
and,  looking  out  over  the  plains,  for  the  first  time  had  an 
uninterrupted  view  of  the  territory  fate  had  placed  within 
his  hands.  As  he  beheld  the  Sabana  dotted  about  with 
Indian  towns  and  villages,  bounded  by  the  Andes,  their  walls 
of  rock  cut  here  and  there  by  tall,  white  cones  such  as 
El  Ruiz  and  El  Nevado  de  Tolima,  and  the  distant  peaks 
of  Suma  Paz,  he  must  have  felt  that  the  past  years  of 
suffering  had  not  been  passed  in  vain. 

The  Sabana  de  Bogota  was  not,  as  nowadays,  unbuilt 
upon  and  given  up  to  pasture,  with  but  a  few  haciendas  and 
their  corrals  and  outbuildings  surrounded  by  tall  poplars,  at 
rare  intervals;  but  set  so  thickly  everywhere  with  towns 
and  villages  that  Quesada,  after  gazing  over  it,  gave  it  the 
name  of  "  El  Valle  de  los  Alcazares."^ 

The  towns  were  all  surrounded  by  high  palisades.  The 
streets  were  at  right  angles,  after  the  fashion  of  the  towns 
to-day  in  South  America. 

At  every  square  were  fixed  high  poles,  daubed  with  a  red 

1  This  was  a  common  occurrence  in  the  long  wars  between  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Moors.  The  Moor  (for  the  Moors  generally 
seem  to  have  been  the  challengers)  used  to  advance  and  shout, 
according  to  the  Spanish  chroniclers,  "  Hay  Mobariz  ?"  (Is  there 
a  champion  ?).  The  Spanish  chroniclers'  knowledge  of  Arabic 
was  usually  as  slight  as  the  Moorish  chroniclers'  acquaintance  with 
Spanish.  Needless  to  say,  the  same  combat  often  has  different 
endings,  according  to  the  nationality  of  the  chronicler.  Historians 
and  chroniclers  have  the  same  customs,  for  both  are  very  often 
human  beings. 

2  The  Valley  of  the  Palaces. 


90  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

varnish^  made  of  "  bija."  These  poles,  that  had  a  sort  of 
top,  like  the  tops  of  a  sailing  ship,  upon  them,  marked  the 
houses  of  the  chiefs. 

Quesada,  who  was  a  martinet,  was  far  from  pleased  that 
the  advanced  guard  had  entered  Zipaquira  before  he  had 
had  time  to  back  them  up.  As  he  but  seldom  lost  a  good 
occasion  for  a  speech,  he  gathered  all  his  men  together,  and 
addressed  them  on  the  value  of  strict  discipline.  Much  did 
he  tell  them  of  Epaminondas,  who  must  have  been  unknown 
to  most  of  them  by  name — except,  of  course,  to  the  Italian 
soldier,^  who  in  the  affair  of  the  donkey  Marobare  talked 
about  Olympus — that  is  to  say,  if  he  was  still  alive.  Possibly 
the  fact  of  the  unfamiliar  name  impressed  the  soldiers, 
although  the  inference  that  Quesada  drew  from  the  sacrifice 
of  his  own  son  by  Epaminondas  for  a  breach  of  discipline 
could  not  have  been  too  reassuring  to  them  in  case  they  fell 
into  the  same  fault. 

Neither  Pizarro  nor  Cortes  ever  seems  to  have  ventured 
upon  speeches  of  the  sort;  but  Quesada's  men,  as  usual, 
took  his  address  as  if  it  had  been  gospel,  and  promised  to 
comply  with  all  he  said. 

After  his  defeat  the  Cacique  Bogota  had  taken  refuge 
in  a  town  called  Cajica.  Quesada  instantly  laid  siege  to  it, 
and  it  must  have  been  well  held,  for  it  took  him  eight  days 
to  subdue. 

On  this  occasion  he  was  helped  by  a  large  band  of  Indians 
who  are  said  to  have  accompanied  him,  partly  by  fear  and 
partly  through  goodwill.^ 

1  "  Un  barniz  de  almagre  y  bijas."  Bija  was  made  from  the 
berry  of  a  small  tree  called  Achiote.  It  is  still  used  to  colour  and 
season  stews  with  in  Colombia.  The  tree  is  the  Bija  orellana  of 
botany.  The  Indians  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  used  it  to  paint 
their  faces  a  bright  red. 

Fray  Simon  says  they  used  to  paint  their  cheeks  at  feasts,  just 
as  our  Spanish  women  use  rouge  ("  Se  tinan  las  mejillas  cuando  se 
ponen  de  gala,  como  nuestras  espanolas,  el  arrebol  !"). 

2  See  Chapter  I. 

3  "Medio  por  fuerza,  medio  por  gusto."  It  reads  ambiguously, 
and  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  Indians'  goodwill  only  became 
manifest  after  the  application  of  some  force. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  91 

In  the  town  Quesada  found  the  litter  in  which  Bogota 
was  carried  by  his  followers,  as  were  Atalhualpa  and 
Montezuma  in  Mexico  and  in  Peru.  The  chief  had  fled, 
after  having  buried  all  his  treasure,  both  in  gold  and  emeralds. 
The  Indians  said  it  was  immense;  but  Quesada  had  to 
content  himself  with  the  litter,  which  had  heavy  ornaments 
of  gold.  So  well  had  Bogota  concealed  his  treasure,  and 
so  faithfully  have  the  Indians  kept  the  secret,  that  it  remains 
undiscovered  down  to  the  present  day. 

The  fact  of  the  gold-ornamented  litter  and  the  treasure 
serves  to  show  that  the  Chibchas,  though  less  well  organized 
and  far  less  civilized  than  were  the  Aztecs  and  the  Incas,  were 
rich  and  powerful,  and  without  doubt  the  third  in  import- 
ance of  the  states  the  Spaniards  found  in  the  New  World. 

Their  territory  has  been  computed  to  have  measured  about 
six  hundred  square  leagues.^  It  extended  from  Seruiza  to  the 
north,  in  latitude  six  degrees,  to  Suma  Paz  in  four  degrees — 
that  is  to  say,  it  measured  about  five  and  forty  leagues  by 
fifteen,  more  or  less,  according  to  the  phrase  used  by  the 
chroniclers. 

The  population.  Colonel  Acosta  estimates,  was  dense — 
approximately  two  thousand  to  the  square  league.  If  he  is 
correct  in  his  surmise,  few  European  countries  at  the  time 
were  so  well  populated. 

The  greater  portion  of  the  inhabitants  lived  in  the  Tierra 
Fria — that  is,  fairly  high  up  on  the  hills.^ 

As  they  had  no  beasts  of  burden,  even  the  llama  of  Peru 
being  unknown  to  them,  their  agriculture  was  extremely 
laborious.  Still  it  supported  them  in  comfort,  even  in 
abundance,  for  they  exported  several  articles  as  salt  and 
cotton  cloths,  exchanging  them  for  gold  dust,  hot  country 
fruits,  and  fish. 

1  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada "  (Colonel  Joaquin 
Acosta,  Paris,  1898),  cap.  xi.,  p.  187. 

2  Colombia  is  divded  into  three  climatic  zones,  called  respectively 
Tierra  Caliente,  Tierra  Templada,  and  Tierra  Fria.  These  zones 
depend  entirely  upon  the  elevation  in  which  they  lie.  Thus,  Bogota 
in  latitude  four  degrees  is  far  cooler  than  Cartagena  in  latitude  nine 
degrees,  on  account  of  its  great  altitude. 


92  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

The   Chibchas   marched   to   the   west   with   the   Musos, 
Colimas,  and  Panchcs,  wild  and  fierce  tribes  with  whom 
they  lived  in  a  state  of  perpetual  war.     To  the  north  they 
had  as  neighbours  the  Laches,  Agateas,  and  the  Guanes; 
and  to  the  east  the  wild  and  scattered   nations  across  the 
Andes,  who  dwelt  in  the  great  plains  that  stretch  along  the 
Rivers  Meta,  Casanare,  and  the  Orinoco.     With  the  last 
the  Chibchas  had  but  little  contact,  as  they  were  far  away. 
At  the  time  of  the  conquest,  more  or  less  the  same  political 
conditions  prevailed  that  Pizarro  had  encountered  in  Peru — 
that  is,  one  race  of  chiefs  had  not  long  mastered  all  the  rest. 
Three  chiefs  ruled  the  whole  territory.     The  greatest  of 
them   was   called   the   Zipa.      At   the   time   of   Quesada's 
coming,  he  was  that  Bogota,  whose  name  the  Spaniards 
gave  to  the  town  they  founded  near  to  the  site  of  the 
Indian  town   in  which   he  lived,   called  by   the    Indians 
Muequeta. 

The  second  chief  was  called  the  Zaque,  and  had  his  seat 
of  government  in  Tunja. 

The  third  was  the  chief  of  Iraca,^  who  had  a  half-religious 
character,  as  the  successor  of  Nemterequetaba,  the  semi- 
mythical  founder  and  civilizer  of  the  land. 

Little  by  little,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Incas  in  Peru, 
the  Chibchas  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  were  slowly 
conquering  the  rest.  The  chiefs  of  various  towns — such  as 
Ubaque,  Guasca,  Fusagasuga,  and  Ebate — had  only  recently 
been  conquered  by  the  Zipa,  Bogota.  His  policy  was,  after 
subduing  them,  to  leave  the  conquered  tribes  their  own 
jurisdiction,  reserving  to  himself  the  power  to  appoint  a 
chief  in  case  the  succession  in  the  local  chief's  family  should 
fail.2 

1  At  the  time  of  Quesada's  arrival  on  the  scene  the  representative 
of  this  chief  was  called  Sugamuxi.  This  name  the  Spaniards 
altered  to  Sogamoso,  and  conferred  on  the  town  in  which  the  chief 
dwelt.  The  town  still  bears  the  name,  as  does  a  river  that,  rising 
near  it,  falls  into  the  Magdalena. 

*  Amongst  the  Chibchas  the  succession  was  through  the  nephews, 
not  from  father  to  son  ("  L'Essai  sur  I'Ancien  Cundinamarca," 
Ternaux-Compans) . 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  93 

In  this  case  Bogota  always  appointed  one  of  his  own 
military  officers,  known  as  Guechas. 

The  Chief  of  Tunja  also  had  his  tributaries;  but  all  the 
time  he  was  losing  ground  before  the  pressure  brought  to 
bear  by  the  Zipa,  Bogota,  whose  troops  were  better  discip- 
lined than  were  his  own,  on  account  of  being  usually  em- 
ployed against  the  savage  Panches  on  the  frontier.  Had 
not  the  Spaniards  appeared  upon  the  scene,  it  is  most  likely 
that  the  Zipa,  Bogota,  would  have  soon  risen  to  supreme 
power,  as  for  the  last  sixty  or  seventy  years  his  ancestors 
had  all  been  conquerors. 

The  early  history  of  the  Chibchas,  like  that  both  of  the 
Incas  and  the  Aztecs,  is  wrapped  in  mystery.  The  Spaniards 
who  arrived  in  1539  only  found  records  that  reached  back 
to  1470,  in  which  year  the  first  historic  Zipa,  Saguamachica, 
first  began  to  reign. 

He  reigned  for  twenty  years,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Nemequene,  whose  name  is  said  to  have  signified  "  Bone 
of  a  Lion."  This  chief  was  killed  in  battle,  leaving  his  son  to 
fill  his  place.     He  it  was  that  the  Spaniards  found  in  power. 

The  Chibcha  heaven  was  as  well  populated  as  Olympus, 
and  their  deities  little  inferior  to  any  deities  of  whom  history 
has  preserved  the  attributes  and  names  in  general  dignity. 
Their  theory  of  the  creation  of  the  world  may  well  take  its 
stand  beside  most  theories  of  nations  more  civilized  than 
they  were,  and,  without  doubt,  was  just  as  satisfying  to  them 
as  the  creation  in  the  Book  of  Genesis  has  been,  and  is,  to 
most  unreasonable  men. 

In  the  beginning  light  was  shut  up  in  a  great  thing 
that  no  one  could  describe,  which  they  called  Chiminigagua 
— a  word  that  signifies  Creator.  From  it  there  came  a 
flock  of  birds  as  black  as  jet  that,  flying  through  the  air> 
launched  from  their  beaks  a  continual  stream  of  light,  to 
illuminate  the  world.  It  is  evident  the  Chibchas,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Jews,  thought  of  a  being,  for  Chiminigagua 
is  merely  but  Jahve  writ  large,  who,  tired  of  darkness,  said, 
"  Let  there  be  light."  After  the  creator  of  light,  the  Chib- 
chas venerated  the  sun  and  moon. 


94  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Their  story  of  the  population  of  the  world  is  quite  as 
worthy  of  our  credence  as  any  other  story  of  the  same  kind. 
A  little  after  the  first  day — that  is  to  say,  after  the  creation 
of  the  light — a  beautiful  woman  called  Bachue  came  out  of 
the  lake  of  Iguaque  leading  a  boy  of  about  three  years  of 
age.  When  the  boy  grew  up  he  married  Bachue,  and  from 
that  marriage  all  the  human  race  began. 

The  Chibchas  venerated  Bachue,  and  adored  her  in  little 
images  of  gold,  representing  her  with  the  boy  whom  she 
married  afterwards,  at  various  stages  of  his  life. 

Spiders  were  sacred  to  the  Chibchas  for  a  curious  reason, 
that  appears  one  of  the  most  imaginative  that  has  occurred 
to  any  people  in  connection  with  the  soul.  After  death 
the  Chibcha  souls  made  their  way  by  various  dark  and 
tortuous  passages  to  the  centre  of  the  earth.  Before 
arriving  at  their  destination  they  had  to  pass  a  river,  and 
this  they  did  on  rafts  of  spiders'  webs,  as  by  no  means  they 
could  have  crossed  the  river  without  these  rafts,  and  thus 
must  have  remained  in  a  perpetual  limbo.  No  one  was 
known  to  kill  a  spider,  for  to  have  done  so  would  have  been 
to  kill  a  soul. 

Curiously  enough  the  Chibcha  heaven  does  not  appear 
to  have  had  a  single  harp  within  its  precincts,  nor  was  there 
any  psalmody,  for  these  poor  Indians  could  not  conceive 
of  happiness  in  sloth.  Their  idea  of  felicity  was  in  cultivat- 
ing the  Elysian  fields,  and  not  in  straying  in  them  in  perfect 
idleness. 

So  every  soul  that  entered  into  the  abodes  of  bliss 
found  gardens  ready  for  cultivation,  in  which  one  may 
suppose  the  work  was  easy,  crops  certain,  and  neither  hail- 
storms, drought,  or  locusts  ever  molested  the  celestial 
cultivators. 

Before  this  idyll,  for  it  was  but  a  continuation  of  Theo- 
critus, the  Happy  Hunting-Grounds  seem  a  crude  barbarism. 
Even  Olympus,  with  its  nectar  and  ambrosia,  becomes  a 
sort  of  Monte  Carlo  translated  to  the  skies.  Chibchacum 
was  the  tutelary  god  of  the  whole  people,  and  had  under  his 
care  sowing  and  harvest,^and  also  metal  workmanship,  and 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  95 

seems  to  have  stood  next  in  their  estimation  to  Bochica, 
the  deity  who  brought  goodness  to  the  world. 

Nemcatacoa  was  the  patron  of  the  cloth-workers,  and 
had  the  duty  of  presiding  at  their  feasts.  He  also  was  the 
god  of  idleness  and  sloth,  and  as  he  mingled  with  them  at 
their  drinking  bouts,  dancing  and  singing  with  the  best, 
they  held  him  but  in  scant  respect,  and  never  offered  up 
to  him  the  presents  that  they  gave  to  other  deities  more 
self-respecting  than  himself.  They  held  he  was  sufficiently 
repaid  with  all  the  chicha^  that  he  drank  at  their  banquets, 
and  seem  to  have  considered  him  a  merry  sort  of  god — half 
Bacchus,  half  Silenus,  with  a  dash  of  the  buffoon. 

The  rainbow  they  adored  under  the  name  of  Cuchavira, 
and  this  deity  appears  to  have  enjoyed  some  of  the  attributes 
of  Venus,  although  not  all  of  them.  Women  prayed  to  her 
during  childbirth,  as  they  did  to  Lucina  under  the  Romans; 
but  Cuchavira  never  seems  to  have  demeaned  herself 
after  the  fashion  of  her  Grecian  prototype  in  matters 
amatory. 

The  Chibchas'  first  acquaintance  with  this  deity  embodies 
portions  of  the  legends  of  the  deluge  mixed  with  the  tale  of 
Atlas  holding  up  the  world. 

God  Chibchacum,  their  tutelary  deity,  being  enraged  at 
the  excesses  of  the  people  of  the  plains  of  Bogota,^  he  deter- 
mined to  destroy  them,  but  he  chose  water  for  his  instrument. 
Turning  two  rivers  loose  upon  the  plain  they  soon  produced 
a  lake. 

The  remnant  of  the  Chibchas  that  escaped  took  refuge 
in  the  mountains,  and,  finding  they  would  die  of  hunger 
on  their  peaks,  prayed  fervently  to  Bochica,  in  the  same  way 

1  Chicha  is  a  beverage  made  of  maize,  and  was  drunk  both  by 
the  Chibchas  and  the  Inca  population.  It  is  thick,  and  to  the  pro- 
fane has  a  nauseating  smell.  If  taken  to  excess  it  produces  a  kind 
of  idiocy  and  general  paralysis.  It  was  formerly  prepared  by  the 
old  women  masticating  the  grain  and  spitting  it  into  a  bowl.  Now- 
adays, either  through  degeneracy  of  the  race,  increasing  civilization, 
or  the  advance  of  mechanical  appliances,  the  grain  is  generally 
pounded  in  a  mortar.     "  Tout  lasse,  tout  passe." 

2  Evidently  Bogota  was  the  Gomorrah  of  those  days. 


96  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

that  any  other  people  would  have  prayed  to  their  own  deities 
in  the  same  circumstances. 

Bochica,  seeing  their  belief,  was  touched  at  it,  for  the 
best  way  to  propitiate  any  kind  of  god  is  by  believing  in  him. 
Being  of  the  same  nature  as  most  other  gods  of  whom  the 
world  has  any  cognisance,  or  not  forgetful  of  the  adage 
"  Noblesse  oblige  "  that  should  be  ever  in  the  mind  of 
every  deity,  Bochica  stayed  his  hand  and,  having  repented 
of  his  hastiness,  appeared  one  evening  on  the  rainbow. 
Then  he  convoked  the  Chibcha  people  and  told  them  that 
he  had  changed  his  mind,  and  had  determined  to  turn  the 
rivers  he  had  sent  to  overwhelm  them  for  their  sins  into 
calm,  fertilizing  streams. 

Through  suffering  they  had  attained  to  love,  for  those 
whom'  Bochica  loved  he  evidently  chastised.  Throwing 
down  the  golden  rod  that  he  held  in  his  hand,  it  cut  a  breach 
through  the  rocky  wall  that  hitherto  had  bounded  all  the 
plain.  This  break  became  the  world- renowned  waterfall  of 
Tequendama,  and  exists  to  the  present  day  to  show  Bochica 
promised  no  more  than  he  was  able  to  perform. 

Not  satisfied  with  this  manifestation  of  his  power  he 
punished  Chibchacum,  the  tutelary  god,  for  his  affliction 
of  the  Chibcha  nation,  by  making  him  hold  up  the  earth. 
Hitherto  it  had  been  supported  upon  posts  of  guayacan.^ 

Unluckily  Bochica's  plan  has  brought  some  inconveniences 
into  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bogota.^  Chibchacum 
now  and  then  is  forced  to  shift  the  world  from  his  right  to 
his  left  shoulder  when  he  feels  tired.  This  is  the  cause  of 
earthquakes,  and  they  no  doubt  serve  to  remind  the  Indians 
how  the  sins  of  their  ancestors  so  nearly  wrecked  mankind. 

To  this  wealth  of  deities  the  Chibchas  erected  temples, 

1  Lignum  vitae,  the  Guaiacum  officinale  of  botanists. 

2  "  The  best-laid  plans  of  mice  and  men  gang  aft  agley,"  as  Poet 
Burns  pawkily  observes. 

It  is  said  that  the  great  popularity  of  St.  Christopher  amongst 
the  descendants  of  the  Indians  arises  from  the  fact  that  he  is  often 
portrayed  holding  up  the  earth.  Thus  they  connect  him  with  their 
ancient  divinity  Chibchacum  ("  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva 
Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  note  2,  p.  196). 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  97 

that  seem  to  have  been  but  hardly  worthy  of  them.  As  a 
general  rule,  they  were  great  houses  made  of  canes  and 
thatched  either  with  straw  or  palm-leaves,  and  in  them 
lived  their  priests. 

The  offerings  that  were  given  to  their  gods  were  usually 
vessels  of  various  coloured  clay,  not  much  unlike  those 
vessels  that  are  found  in  the  Inca  burial-places  of  Peru  and 
known  as  "  huacas  "  to  the  Peruvians.  These  vessels  were 
often  filled  with  gold  dust  or  with  little  images,  beads  or 
thin  plates,  and  animals  of  various  kinds  carefully  wrought 
in  gold.^ 

The  priests  were  brought  up  to  their  functions  from  their 
boyhood,  and  prepared  themselves  for  what  may  be  de- 
scribed as  their  matriculation,  by  a  series  of  fastings  and  of 
penitences. 

They  were  the  repositories  of  any  abstract  knowledge 
that  the  Chibchas  may  have  had,  and  most  unfortunately, 
just  as  in  Mexico  and  in  Peru,  they  were  ruthlessly  extirpated 
as  a  class,  by  their  fanatical  or  illiterate  conquerors.  Thus 
perished  most  of  the  Chibcha  records  and  antiquities. 

Of  all  their  deities,  to  the  sun  alone  they  offered  human 
sacrifices,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  most  races  of  America, 
for  whom  the  sun  was  generally  a  deity  of  peace  and  plenty. 
These  human  sacrifices  had  a  direct  relation  to  their 
calendar,  and  the  division  of  the  time,  for  at  them  the  priests 
used  to  announce  to  the  assembled  people  the  result  of  the 
calculations  they  had  made  in  reference  to  sowing  and  to 
planting  and  the  time  for  harvesting.  As  they  took  place 
but  once  in  fifteen  years,  they  marked  their  epochs  for  the 
Chibchas,  who  estimated  time  from  the  solstitial  sacrifices, 

1  So  great  was  the  belief  in  their  own  gods  that  for  a  long  time 
after  they  had  all  become  official  Christians  the  Spaniards  used  to 
come  upon  "  adoratorios  secretos  "  of  the  Indians,  in  which  they 
carried  on  theix  ancient  rites  and  heathen  ceremonies.  On  one 
occasion  in  Zipaquird,  one  of  these  secret  oratories  was  found  that 
had,  amongst  the  offerings  to  the  idols  in  it,  the  cap  of  a  Franciscan 
friar,  a  rosary,  a  priest's  biretta,  and  a  book  of  "  Casos  de  Conciencia." 
The  last,  others  who  are  not  Indians  might  gladly  offer  up  ("  Descu- 
brimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  note  i, 
p.  197). 

7 


98  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

and  thus  they  served  in  some  degree  for  them,  the  uses  that 
the  picture  writing  served  for  the  Aztecs,  and  the  "  quipos  " 
for  the  Peruvians.^ 

Although  the  temples  of  the  Chibchas  were  not  remarkable 
as  edifices,  either  for  size  or  architecture,^  it  is  not  to  be 
forgotten  that  they  were  only  second  in  importance  to  what 
may  be  styled  the  sites  of  pilgrimages — such  as  the  tops  of 
mountains,  sacred  groves  and  lakes — to  which  they  were 
accustomed  to  resort  to  worship  and  make  offerings  to 
their  gods. 

Nearly  every  town  of  any  size  had  its  sacred  lake,  to 
which  the  people  went  in  pilgrimage.  A  path  led  down  to 
it,  and  at  the  intersection  of  two  ropes  to  form  an  angle, 
the  sacred  raft  was  moored. 

Commonly,  each  lake  had  its  own  legend  attaching  to  it; 
but  the  most  usual  myth  was  that  a  mysterious  lady  and 
her  daughter  lived  underneath  the  waters  of  the  pool.  These 
were  propitiated  by  prayers  and  offerings  of  vessels  made  of 
clay  filled  with  gold  dust,  or  with  golden  images  and 
charms. 

Of  all  the  lakes,  the  Lake  of  Guatavita  was  the  most 
celebrated  in  Chibcha  times,  and  has  continued  so  down 
to  the  present  day.  In  a  deep  valley  of  the  same  name  as 
the  lake  a  mountain  rises,  and  at  its  top  lies  a  round  tarn, 
much  like  the  Lake  of  Nemi,  deep  and  desolate.  Down  to 
the  water's  edge  still  lead  remains  of  a  stone  causeway  used 
in  the  ceremonies.     In  the  days  when  the  Cacique  of  Guata- 

1  The  quipos  were  an  elaborate  system  of  knots  on  coloured 
woollen  strings,  that  served  as  records  to  the  Peruvians. 

2  The  only  Chibcha  chief  who  seems  to  have  projected  the  erection 
of  a  stone  temple  was  the  half-fabulous  chief  Garanchacha,  who, 
having  given  out  he  was  the  miraculously  conceived  son  of  a  virgin, 
by  the  sun,  killed  the  Zaque  of  Tunja  and  usurped  his  power. 
This  Garanchacha  got  together  stones  and  marble  at  a  place  a  little 
to  the  north  of  Tunja,  where  they  can  yet  be  seen.  Most  of  them 
still  are  lying  on  the  ground.  Senor  Manuel  Velez  Barrientos,  some- 
where about  1846,  came  on  the  remains  of  a  large  edifice,  in  the 
valley  of  Lina,  whose  use  he  could  not  understand.  He  wrote  a 
curious  description  of  it  la  the  Journal  of  the  Geographical  Society 
of  Paris  in  1847. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  99 

vita  was  an  independent  chief,  he  used  to  go  once  every  year, 
accompanied  by  a  procession,  to  make  a  ceremonial  offering 
to  the  spirits  of  the  lake,  and  then  to  bathe  in  it.  On  the 
appointed  day  he  was  anointed  well  with  turpentine  and 
then  rolled  on  a  bed  of  gold  dust  that,  sticking  to  his  flesh, 
converted  him  into  a  golden  statue  as  he  stood  naked 
on  the  raft.  Then,  when  the  sun  shone  full  upon  him 
surrounded  by  his  nobles  on  the  raft,  he  offered  up  his 
prayers,  and  after  having  cast  offerings  of  gold  and  emeralds 
into  the  depths,  he  plunged  into  the  waters  like  a  great 
golden  fish.  As  he  emerged  the  assembled  multitude  broke 
into  cries  of  joy  and  of  applause,  for  by  his  action  the  cacique 
was  supposed  to  have  ensured  the  goodwill  and  the  pro- 
tection of  the  mysterious  ladies  of  the  lake. 

The  ceremony  over,  the  young  men  engaged  in  running 
and  in  jumping,  and  then  when  night  set  in,  to  the  flickering 
light  of  myriads  of  torches,  the  people  sat  down  to  a  banquet 
by  the  water's  edge  that  ended  usually  in  universal  drunken- 
ness. During  the  banquet. two  old  Indians,  naked  but  for 
fishing-nets  wrapped  round  their  loins,  and  with  their  faces 
daubed  with  mud,  played  dirges  on  a  flute  made  out  of  a 
cane.^  The  fishing-net  they  wore  as  a  Memento  Mori,  as 
amongst  the  Chibchas  it  was  a  symbol  of  mortality,  worn 
ceremoniously  at  feasts.  This  picturesque  and  curious 
ceremony  of  the  Golden  Man  (el  Dorado)  was  distorted  by 
the  tales  of  the  first  conquerors  into  a  legend  of  a  Golden 
City  (El  Dorado),  that  proved  an  ignis  fatuus^  to  all  sorts 
and  conditions  of  men,  including  Sir  Walter   Raleigh  and 

1  Sometimes  these  ancients  sang  so  sadly  that  the  whole  assembly 
was  dissolved  in  tears,  thus  proving  that  the  Chibchas  took  their 
pleasures  sadly,  or  at  the  least  had  "  le  vin  triste  "  at  their  rejoicings. 

2  From  the  first  days  of  Quesada's  expedition,  when  Captain 
Lazaro  Fonte  and  a  rich  merchant,  one  Antonio  Sepulveda,  con- 
structed a  canal  to  drain  a  portion  of  the  lake,  and  actually  succeeded 
in  fishing  up  gold  to  the  amount  of  five  or  six  thousand  ducats, 
there  have  been  countless  schemes  to  dry  the  Lake  of  Guatavita 
and  retrieve  the  gold  thrown  into  it  at  the  annual  ceremony  of  the 
Golden  Man.  The  lake  was  said  to  have  been  sixteen  fathoms  deep 
at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  Since  then,  it  has  fallen  a  good  deal 
in  depth. 


100  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who  nearly  lost  his  life  during  his  quest  of 
it,  in  his  celebrated  journey  over  the  eastern  mountains  of 
Peru. 

All  civil  power  amongst  the  Chibchas  was  vested  in  the 
Zipa,  who  promulgated  all  the  laws,  administered  justice, 
and  was  commander  of  the  troops.  The  veneration  that 
his  subjects  had  for  him  was  so  great  that  no  one  dared  to 
look  him  in  the  face. 

Though  he  had  only  one  legitimate  wife,  he  had  several 
hundred  ladies  called  Thiguyes,  a  word  that  perhaps  may 
be  interpreted,  coadjutr esses.  His  heir  was  the  eldest  son 
of  his  eldest  sister,  who  at  the  age  of  sixteen  was  taken  to  a 
palace  in  the  town  of  Chia,  and  for  several  years  instructed 
in  the  duties  that  he  would  some  day  be  called  on  to  perform. 

The  Zipa  himself  generally  lived  in  Muequeta,  but  he  also 
had  a  country  house  in  Tinansuca,  and  another  in  Theusa- 
quillo,  where  now  stands  Bogota- 
Homicide,  rape,  and  incest  were  punished  with  death. 

Defaulting  debtors  had  a  tiger  cub  sent  to  them  by  the 
Zipa.  This  animal  they  were  obliged  to  rear  and  keep  tied 
up  before  their  doors,  until  the  debt  was  paid.  Women 
suspected  of  adultery  were  forced  to  eat  red  pepper.  If 
they  confessed  under  this  torture,  they  gave  them  water  and 
then  executed  them.  If  they  endured  the  torment  for  some 
hours  they  were  judged  innocent,  and  straightway  liberated.^ 

Their  marriage  ceremonies  were  to  the  full  as  sensible 
as  any  others;  except  perhaps  those  of  North  Britain,  in 
which  country  an  asseveration  before  witnesses  binds  man 
and  wife  for  life. 

Amongst  the  Chibchas  the  two  contracting  parties 
appeared  before  the  priest,  who  linked  their  arms  together, 
and  asked  the  woman  if  she  would  promise  always  to  love 
God  (Bochica)  above  her  husband,  and  to  esteem  her  husband 

'  Either  there  was  no  punishment  for  male  adulterers  amongst 
the  Chibchas,  or  else  the  chroniclers  have  failed  to  discover  it,  or 
perhaps  suppressed  it  for  the  honour  of  their  sex.  The  universal 
experience  of  mankind  would  seem  to  point  to  the  fact  that  adultery- 
is  not  the  exclusive  pastime  of  the  female  sex,  although  perhaps  on 
the  plains  of  Bogota,  in  those  days,  it  may  have  been  the  case. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  loi 

more  highly  than  their  sons;  lastly  to  swear  never  to  eat 
if  her  husband  wanted  food.  Then,  turning  to  the  man,  he 
told  him  to  declare  in  a  loud  voice  that  he  took  the  woman 
for  his  wife. 

This  simple  ceremony  joined  the  woman  and  the  man  in 
holy  matrimony.  Only  one  wife,  and  that  the  first,  was 
held  legitimate,  although  a  man  could  have  as  many  other 
wives  as  he  was  able  to  support. 

Wives  amongst  the  Chibchas  had  the  privilege  of  beating 
their  husbands  when  they  did  wrong,  especially  the  wives 
of  chiefs,  as  the  chiefs  could  not  be  punished  by  their 
subjects  for  anything  they  did,  and,  being  men,  were  sure 
to  do  wrong  at  times.  In  the  lost  "  Memorias  "  of  Quesada, 
from  which  Fray  Simon  occasionally  quotes,  he  says: 
"  Being  upon  a  journey  one  day  I  came  to  a  chief's  house, 
and  found  him  tied  to  a  post  with  his  wives  beating  him 
for  drunkenness."^ 

Most  of  their  chiefs  and  nobles  after  death  were  rendered 
mummies  by  a  peculiar  process  that  seems  to  have  been 
lost  after  the  conquest.  Some  of  the  mummies  have  been 
found  with  their  insides  stuffed  full  of  gold  and  emeralds; 
but  very  few  of  them,  so  well  the  Indians  contrived  to  hide 
their  burial-places. 

Maize,  potatoes,  and  the  quinoa^  were  their  chief  crops, 
and  these  they  cultivated  with  rude  stone  and  wooden 
instruments,  for  iron  was  unknown.  Their  cultivation 
must  have  been  extensive,  for  even  to-day,  upon  the  plains 
of  Bogota,  are  to  be  seen  ridges  turned  up  before  the 
conquest  under  the  Indians'  hoes. 

Potatoes  gave  two  crops  a  year,  and  maize  but  one,  in  the 
cool  climate  of  the  Sabana  de  Bogota.  In  the  hot  valleys 
they  cultivated  manioc;^  but  the  banana,  now  so  universal 
in  the  land,  seems  to  have  been  unknown. 

1  This  little  incident  throws  a  sidelight  on  polygamy,  often  lost 
sight  of  by  monogamists. 

^  Chenopodium  quinoa. 

3  Captains  San  Martin  and  Lebrija,  in  their  Report  to  Philip  II., 
speak  of  the  fertility  of  the  country,  and  that  it  seems  fit  to  produce 
all  the  fruits  of  Europe,  as  the  climate  is  fresh  and  temperate.     They 


102  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Besides  the  manioc  they  cultivated  the  Arracacha 
esculenta,  an  umbelliferous  plant,  that  has  long,  yellow 
roots  about  the  size  of  carrots  or  of  parsnips. 

Their  most  important  article  of  commerce  was  the  salt 
that  they  got  from  the  mines  of  Zipaquira.  With  it  they 
purchased  all  the  commodities  that  their  own  country 
did  not  produce  in  any  quantity,  as  gold  and  gold 
dust,  for,  though  the  precious  metal  seems  to  have 
been  abundant  with  them,  it  was  brought  from  other 
provinces.^ 

The  Chibchas  were  the  only  nation  that  the  Spaniards 
found  in  the  Americas  who  had  a  monetary  system,  con- 
sisting of  thin  plates  of  gold,  about  the  size  of  pennies,  that 
they  used  in  their  affairs. 

Their  measures  of  length,  were  the  pace  and  the  palm; 
but  they  do  not  seem  to  have  had  measures  of  weight  or  of 
capacity. 

Fairs  were  established  regularly  at  convenient  places, 
one  being  held  every  three  days  at  Turmeque,  where 
vegetables,  fruits,  and  in  especial  emeralds  were  always 
upon  sale. 

Their  most  important  fair  was  held  at  Coyaima,  near  the 
Magdalena,  in  the  country  of  a  tribe  called  Poincos.  To 
it  they  took  their  salt  and  emeralds,  their  painted  cotton 
cloths,  and  the  gold  objects  that  they  made  out  of  the  gold 
they  purchased  from  the  other  provinces.  At  this  fair, 
known  to  the  Spaniards  as  Yaporogos,  from  the  cacique 
who  was  in  power  at  their  first  coming,  the  Chibchas  bought 
quantities  of  parrots  and  macaws  brought  from  the  Mag- 
dalenian  woods.     After  the  birds  had  learned  to  speak  they 

also  remark  on  the  abundance  of  eggs  and  of  a  kind  of  rabbit,  called 
curi.  The  eggs  must  have  been  those  of  partridges  or  some  other 
birds,  for  domestic  fowls  had  not  been  introduced  at  the  time  they 
wrote.  Their  prediction  re  the  fruits  of  Europe  has  been  amply 
fulfilled,  for  fruits  and  flowers  of  Europe  grow  with  great  luxuriance 
in  the  Sabdna  of  Bogotd.  The  Report  of  the  two  captains  is  rare 
and  difficult  to  come  at.  Ternaux-Compans  has  preserved  it  in  his 
"  Recueil  des  Documents  sur  I'Am^rique,"  Paris,  1845. 
»  Most  likely  from  the  Choco  and  from  Antioquia. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  lo 

sacrificed  them  to  their  gods,  thinking  they  made  the  fittest 
substitute  for  human  sacrifices.^ 

In  regard  to  architecture,  the  Chibchas  seem  to  have  been 
greatly  behind  either  the  Mexicans  or  the  Peruvians. 
Quesada  did  not  find  a  single  building  made  of  stone  on 
the  Sabana  of  Bogota.  In  general  their  houses  were  mainly 
built  of  wood  and  mud,  and  thatched  with  palm-leaves. 
The  roofs  were  conical,  and  the  houses  generally  round. 
Their  doors  were  made  of  mats  that  they  hung  loosely  at 
the  entrance,  although  in  houses  of  the  better  sort  they  were 
of  wood  with  wooden  locks,  such  as  are  still  in  use  in  remote 
villages  in  Colombia. 

The  high  stockades,  the  patios,  and  the  tall  painted  poles, 
with  their  "  crow's  nest  "  upon  them  that  they  used  for 
observation,  gave  to  their  towns,  seen  from  afar,  an  appear- 
ance of  being  more  important  than  they  actually  were, 
and  caused  Quesada,  when  he  first  saw  them  from  a  distance, 
to  give  the  name  of  "  Valley  of  the  Palaces  "  to  the  whole 
district  of  the  plains. 

The  Indian  nobles  of  the  plain  of  Bogota  had  country 
houses ,2  from  which  streets  stretched  out  like  a  fan.  These 
streets  the  Indians  used  for  their  dances  and  processions 
on  their  feast  days. 

The  roads  and  streets  were  then  the  theatres  in  which  they 
celebrated  their  feasts  with  comedies,  games,  and  dances 
to  the  sound  of  their  rustic  pipes,  and  showed  their  riches 
in  the  wealth  of  feathers,  skins,  and  golden  diadems  they  wore. ^ 

1  The  idea  was  not  a  bad  one,  although  it  almost  seems  a  pity 
to  have  sacrificed  the  birds  when  they  had  learned  to  talk,  as  there 
must  certainly  have  been  so  many  scoundrels  far  less  innocent 
than  they,  fit  for  no  other  object  in  the  world  than  to  talk,  and  to  be 
sacrificed. 

2  Piedrahita  (Doctor  Don  Lucas  Fernandez),  "  Historia  General  de 
las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,"  Madrid,  i688,  p.  138. 

3  Piedrahita,  "  Historia  General  de  las  Conquistas  de  la  Nueva 
Granada,"  p.  139: 

"  Estas  carreras  6  calles  estan  entonces  los  teatros  en  que  cele- 
braban  sus  fiestas  con  entremeses,  juegos  y  danzas,  al  son  de  sus 
rusticos  caramillos,  ostentando  cada  cual  su  riqueza  en  el  aseo  de 
plumas,  pieles  de  animales  y  diademas  de  oro." 


io"4'  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

What  a  description  of  Arcadia,  and  how  happily  they 
passed  their  lives,  in  spite  of  human  sacrifices  and  the 
barbarities  that  seem  incidental  to  all  primitive  communities ! 
Eden  perhaps  was  still  more  innocent;  but  not  Arcadia,  for 
in  that  land  beloved  of  poets  they  had  wars  and  crimes  and 
shed  the  blood  of  animals,  just  as  the  Chibchas  killed  their 
prisoners  at  the  feasts  Piedrahita  tells  of  in  his  Chronicle. 
Still,  they  were  happy  in  their  own  way,  and  every  man  must 
make  his  heaven  for  himself,  for  heaven  made  by  another's 
hand  would  be  a  hell. 

The  Indians  of  Bogota  lived  under  a  sort  of  feudal  system, 
for  though  the  Zipa  had  supreme  authority  he  was  obliged, 
like  other  autocrats,  to  delegate  some  of  his  power  to  his 
nobility  for  purpose  of  government. 

Thus  an  old  historian^  compares  the  chiefs  known  as 
Usaques  to  the  Spanish  dukes,  the  Guiqcaes  to  marquesses. 
These  chiefs  had  great  power  over  the  Indians,  though  they 
themselves  were  subject  to  the  Zipa  in  everything. 

The  Indians  were  forced  to  dress  after  the  fashion  that 
their  lords  dictated.  No  Indian  under  the  rank  of  a  chief 
was  allowed  to  eat  venison. 

Rodriguez  Fresle  says  of  them  that  they  were  vicious, 
and  though  they  had  a  multitude  of  wives,  yet  they  com- 
mitted many  and  great  incests,  not  sparing  even  their 
mothers  or  their  daughters  in  their  lusts.  ' '  In  fact,  they  were 
barbarians  who  had  no  law,  nor  any  knowledge  of  God."^ 

*  Juan  Rodriguez  Fresle,  author  of  the  celebrated  "  Carnero 
Bogotano."  This  curious  production  was  so  called,  either  because  it 
was  written  on  parchment  or  bound  in  sheepskin.  "  Carnero  "  means 
a  sheep.  Though  long  known  in  manuscript  in  New  Granada 
(Colombia),  it  appears  to  have  been  first  printed  in  1859  at  Bogota. 
The  editor  was  Don  Felipe  Perez,  a  well-known  man  of  letters  in 
Colombia.  His  son  Don  Enrique  Perez  follows  in  his  father's  foot- 
steps in  the  fields  of  literature.  Don  Felipe  Perez  was  first  cousin 
of  the  late  Don  Santiago  Perez  Triana,  minister  at  the  Court  of  St. 
James  for  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  and  so  well  known  for  his 
speeches  at  the  Hague  Conference,  for  his  books,  for  his  extraordinary- 
linguistic  powers  and  his  great  geniality. 

2  "Con  ser  viciosos  i  tenir  muchos  mujeres  i  cometer  grandes 
incestos,  sin  reservar  hijas  6  madres;  en  conclusion,  barbaros  sin  lei, 
ni  conocimiento  de  Dios  "  ("  El  Carnero  Bogotano  "). 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  105 

Fresle  no  doubt  speaks  as  one  having  the  knowledge  of 
the  true  faith;  but  it  seems  improbable  that  what  he  says 
about  the  Indians'  morals  can  have  been  true  to  any  great 
extent,  either  in  Bogota  or  any  other  portion  of  the  world. 

The  Spaniards  found  amongst  the  Chibchas  a  somewhat 
similar  tradition  to  that  they  found  in  Mexico  and  in  Peru. 
In  all  these  countries  a  legend  existed  of  a  man  or  men 
coming  from  the  east,  bearded  and  fairer  than  the  inhabitants 
of  America,  who  introduced  such  civilization  as  they  enjoyed. 
Amongst  the  Chibchas  he  was  an  ancient  man,  with  a  long 
beard,  who  appeared  under  various  names,  but  whose  chief 
name  was  Chinzapagua,  which  is  supposed  to  have  meant 
"  the  Envoy  of  the  Lord."  He  found  the  Chibchas  sunk 
in  barbarism,  dressed  but  in  cotton  loin-cloths,  and  without 
the  least  idea  of  laws  or  government.  He  taught  the  Indians 
how  to  weave  and  spin,  and  for  a  considerable  time  wandered 
from  town  to  town  preaching  and  teaching  both  by  his 
example  and  his  words.  Then  suddenly  he  disappeared  near 
Sogamoso  and  was  never  seen  again. 

This  missionary  was  accompanied,  the  legend  says,  by  a 
strange  animal  of  great  bulk  and  size.^ 

The  priests  and  friars  in  their  simple  piety  were  certain 
that  the  mysterious  "  Envoy  of  the  Lord  "  could  have  been 
none  other  than  the  Apostle  Santo  Tomas,  and  the  great 
quadruped  that  accompanied  him  they  imagined  to  have 
been  a  camel,  an  animaP  that  passes  easily  enough  through 
the  eye  of  any  needle  if  its  possessor  has  but  sufficient 
faith.3 

1  In  the  town  of  Bosa,  one  of  the  animal's  ribs  was  found  after  the 
conquest  by  the  Spaniards:  "  Conquista  de  la  Nueva  Granada," 
Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  209. 

2  The  rib  found,  Colonel  Acosta  thinks  (p.  208),  was  probably 
that  of  a  mastodon,  for  bones  of  that  creature  have  been  found  both 
near  Bosa  and  Suacha.  In  that  case  the  miracle  must  have  been 
still  more  striking,  for  St.  Thomas  need  not  have  brought  the 
mastodon  across  the  seas,  as  there  were  native  specimens  ready  to 
be  tamed. 

3  Fray  Simon  says,  in  reference  to  the  tradition:  "  Ni  apruebo, 
ni  repruebo  solo,  la  refiero  como  la  he  hallado  admitida  como  cosa 
comun  entre  los  hombres  graves  y  doctos  de  este  reino."     Fray 


io6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Such,  more  or  less,  was  the  state  of  the  Chibcha  State, 
when  first  Qucsada  and  the  Spaniards  broke  into  the  secluded 
plain  of  Bogota.  It  must  have  been  well  peopled  and  set 
thick  with  villages  and  towns,  whose  appearance,  at  least  from 
a  distance,  was  so  picturesque  that  Quesada,  who  had  been 
brought  up  at  Granada,  was  enchanted  with  it. 

As  a  State,  the  mountain  kingdom  or  confederation  had 
made  some  progress  on  material  lines. 

Some  of  the  arts,  as  gold  working  and  weaving,  had  made 
some  progress  with  them. 

As  regards  science  they  seem  to  have  been  able  to  foretell 
eclipses,  and  their  calendar  and  method  of  computing  time 
was  most  ingenious.^ 

Their  laws  and  the  system  of  their  government  were  not, 
upon  the  whole,  more  foolish  than  such  systems  seem  to  have 
often  been  in  other  and  much  better  constituted  States, 
and,  though  inferior  to  those  of  Peru  under  the  Incas,  equal 
or  perhaps  superior  to  those  of  Mexico  before  the  Spaniards' 
time.  Their  architecture  was  the  art  in  which  apparently 
they  had  made  least  progress,  judging  by  the  somewhat 
scanty  records  that  the  conquerors  have  left  us. 

Fray  Simon,  the  Bishop  Piedrahita,^  and  Caste- 
Simon  was  a  Franciscan,  although  his  dictum  savours  more  of  the 
diplomacy  of  the  saint  who  sleeps  in  the  Basque  Provinces,  hard 
by  the  villages  of  Azpeitia  and  Azcoitia.  Dr.  Don  Lucas  Pie- 
drahita,  Bishop  of  Santa  Marta  and  "  Calificador  del  Santo  Oficio 
de  la  Inquisicion,"  might  have  been  a  native  of  North  Britain  by 
his  answer  to  his  own  question,  for  he  says :  "  Digame,  curioso  lectoro, 
de  quien  otro  que  de  un  apostol,  pudieran  referirse  entre  gentiles, 
las  que  tenemos  dichas. ' '  Thejcaref ul  reader  is  constrained  to  answer, 
Wlio  indeed  ?  Padre  Zamora,  of  the  Order  of  the  Predicadores,  is 
of  opinion  that  Santo  Tomas  was  "  un  abismo  de  la  predicacion." 
Therefore,  "  as  one  abyss  calls  to  another  abyss,  this  abyss  of 
preaching  was  obliged  to  carry  the  truths  of  the  Gospel  to  the  abyss 
of  the  New  World."     That  seems  to  clinch  the  matter. 

1  The  entire  system  is  preserved  in  the  curious  "  Disertacion  sobre 
el  calendario  de  los  Muyscas,  por  el  Dr.  Don  Jose  Domingo  Duquesne 
de  la  Madrid,  Cura  de  la  Iglesia  de  Gachancipd  de  los  Mismos  Indies," 
ano  de  1795. 

3  "  Historia  General  de  la  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada." 
(Madrid,  1688.) 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  107 

llanos/  the  ex-soldier  who  took  holy  orders  and  became  a 
priest,  have  many  references  to  the  Chibcha  houses;  but 
they  are  sparing  of  details. 

Most  of  what  is  known  about  the  Chibchas  is  to  be  found 
in  these  three  authors,  and  without  the  curious  and  in- 
teresting "  Disertacion  "  of  the  priest.  Dr.  Don  Jose  Domingo 
Duquesne,^  and  the  scattered  observations  to  be  found  in 
the  "  Carnero  Bogotano,"^  almost  nothing  would  have  come 
down  to  us  of  their  lives  and  policy.  It  is  fortunate  for 
posterity  that  these  two  writers  preserved  and  recorded  all 
they  could,  and  most  unfortunate  for  Colombia  that  at 
the  conquest  there  were  no  writers  of  the  calibre  of  Cortes 
himself  and  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  in  Mexico,  or  Pedro 
Cieza  de  Leon  and  the  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  in  Peru. 

Quesada's  own  account  of  the  whole  conquest,  believed 
to  have  been  contained  in  his  manuscript,  "  Los  Ratos  de 

^  Castellanos,  "  Elegias  de  Varones  Ilustres  de  Indias."  First  part, 
in  Madrid,  1589. 

2  See  Appendix. 

^  Juan  Rodriguez  Fresle.  His  book,  though  known  as  "El 
Carnero  Bogotano,"  had,  as  was  normal  in  those  days,  a  long  title: 
"  Conquista  y  Descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada;  de  las 
Indias  Occidentales  del  Oceano  y  Fundacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Santa 
Fe  de  Bogota."  Fresle  was  a  farmer,  and  as  he  says  himself,  was 
born  in  Bogota — "  natural  de  esta  ciudad  y  de  los  Fresles  de  Alcala 
de  Henares,  en  los  reinos  de  Espana."  His  father  was  one  of  the 
first  conquerors  and  settlers.  The  book  was  dedicated  to  Philip  IV., 
and  contains  the  lives  of  generals,  archbishops,  and  an  account  of  the 
civil  wars  of  his  time,  together  with  "  algunos  casos  sucedidos  en 
este  reino,  que  van  en  la  historia,  para  ejemplo,  no  por  imitarlos, 
por  el  daiio  de  la  conciencia."  He  was  seventy  years  of  age  when 
he  began  his  book.  In  his  youth  he  had  made  a  journey  to  Spain. 
His  book  was  written  in  the  character  known  as  "  Letra  Pastrana." 
As  he  was  a  great  personal  friend  of  the  Cacique  of  Guatavita,  he 
was  able  to  obtain  most  valuable  details  from  him  of  the  Chibcha 
customs,  that  had  already  been  abolished  or  fallen  into  disuse. 
Upon  this  head,  he  says,  "  It  appears  to  me  that  some  impertinent 
fellow  [algun  curioso]  may  point  his  finger  at  me  and  ask,  How  did 
it  come  about  I  knew  these  ancient  affairs?"  He  then  explains  that 
he  was  born  in  Bogota  and  was  the  friend  of  the  Chief  of  Guatavita. 
He  finishes  this  matter  by  saying,  "  I  am  now  seventy  years  old, 
which  age  I  have  atained  to  as  I  sit  writing  ...  on  the  25th  of  April 
and  the  day  of  our  lord  St.  Mark  of  the  year  1636." 


io8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Suesca,"  is  unfortunately  lost,  although  portions  of  it  are 
thought  to  be  incorporated  in  Herrera's  Decadas,  and  others 
in  the  Chronicles  of  Castellanos  and  Piedrahita  and  in  the 
work  of  Fray  Simon. 

Unluckily,  the  Spaniards,  animated  by  the  lust  of  con- 
quest and  religious  bigotry,  burst  like  a  devastating  cyclone 
upon  the  country,  destroying  everything,  partly  from 
ignorance  and  partly  of  a  set  purpose  to  stamp  out  idolatry. 
The  following  incident  shows  to  what  extent  their  religious 
bigotry  went,  even  some  years  after  the  fury  of  the  conquest 
should  have  spent  itself.  In  the  year  1636,  a  hundred  years 
after  the  conquest,  in  an  open  space  near  one  of  the  long 
streets  that  stretched  from  the  dwelling  of  the  Zipa  towards 
the  mountains,  there  was  a  tank  that  had  been  made  by  the 
Kings  of  the  Chibchas  before  the  Spaniards  came.  Beside 
it  stood  two  tall  and  feathery  palms.  These  trees  were 
looked  on  with  great  veneration  by  the  Indians.  The  Arch- 
bishop, Fray  Cristobal  de  Torres,  thinking  that  the  Indians 
looked  on  them  as  relics  of  their  old  religion,  had  them  cut 
down,  "  ad  majorem  Dei  gloriam,"  it  is  to  be  presumed. 

Although  our  English  withers  are  not  quite  unwrung  in 
matters  of  the  kind,  a  heretic  may  be  allowed  to  hope  that 
for  his  vandalism  the  archbishop  had  an  additional  ten 
thousand  years  of  purgatory  written  against  him  by  the 
recording  angel  in  his  book  of  pains  and  penalties. 


CHAPTER  IX 

As  Quesada  with  his  expedition  was  encamped  at  Cajica, 
news  was  brought  to  him  that  the  Cacique  of  Chia,  a  man 
whose  affairs  were  destined  to  have  an  important  bearing 
on  the  conquest,  had  also  fled,  and  buried  all  his  gold  and 
emeralds  in  a  safe  hiding-place. 

In  order  to  make  the  hiding-place  more  secure,  the  Cacique 
of  Chia  had  all  his  valuables  loaded  on  the  backs  of  slaves 
commanded  by  several  well-tried  officers.  When  the  treasure 
was  all  buried  and  hidden  so  securely  that  it  has  never  yet 
been  found,  the  officers  butchered  all  the  slaves  so  that  they 
never  could  reveal  the  secret.  They  then  returned  to  the 
cacique  and  asked  for  their  reward.  The  chief,  who  must 
have  been  a  man  of  a  grim  humour,  said  they  had  earned 
it,  and  he  would  give  it  to  them.  Then  drawing  out  a 
knife  he  cut  their  heads  off  with  his  own  hand,  thus  making 
certain  they  could  never  tell  the  Spaniards  where  the  buried 
treasure  was  concealed. 

As  during  all  his  stay  at  Cajica  Quesada  had  abundance 
of  provisions,  so  much,  in  fact,  that  upon  one  occasion  each 
soldier  had  a  deer  apiece,  he  must  have  seen  that  he  had 
come  into  a  country,  if  not  exactly  civilized,  still  pretty  far 
advanced  upon  the  road.  Of  course,  he  had  no  knowledge 
of  the  internal  life  and  policy  of  the  Chibcha  State;  but  at 
the  same  time  the  abundance  of  good  food,  the  relatively 
quiet  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  clothes  that  the 
Indians  wore,^  so  different  from  the  nakedness  of  the  Mag- 
dalenian  savages,  must  have  been  certain  indications  to  a 

1  The  Indians  of  Bogota  did  not  at  that  time  wear  the  poncho — 
or,  as  it  is  called  in  Colombia,  the  ruana — but  had  mantles  that  tied 
across  their  shoulders  in  a  knot.  The  poncho  was  introduced  from 
Peru,  either  by  the  Spaniards  or  by  Peruvian  Indians,  who  came  and 
went  between  Quito  and  Bogota. 

109 


no  GONZALO  JIMENEZ   DE  QUESADA 

man  of  his  good  education,  that  he  was  destined  to  achieve 
a  conquest  little  inferior  to  that  of  either  Pizarro  or  Cortes. 
Spain  was  all  ringing  with  the  fame  of  the  riches  they  had 
brought  from  their  respective  conquests,  and  they  had  both 
been  created  marquesses.^  Although  no  thought  of  a  title 
could  have  crossed  Quesada's  mind  at  that  time,  yet  in 
after-years  it  was  once  promised  to  him,  and  considering  all 
he  did  for  Spain  should  not  have  been  withheld. 

The  policy  of  both  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  and  his  son 
Philip  was  niggardly  in  the  extreme  towards  the  conquerors 
to  whom  they  owed  so  much. 

In  regard  to  the  Indians,  the  Code  known  as  the  Laws  of  the 
Indies  shows  how  liberal-minded  and  how  fair  were  nearly 
all  the  Kings  of  Spain  to  their  new  subjects,  had  they  been 
able  to  have  the  laws  they  promulgated,  fairly  carried  out. 

All  seemed  propitious  in  the  camp  at  Chia,  but  for 
the  attitude  of  the  Zipa,  Bogota.  He  still,  in  spite  of  all 
Quesada's  efforts  to  attract  him  to  his  camp,  refused  an 
answer  to  the  messengers.  Although  the  cacique  sent 
Indians  every  day  to  the  camp  with  fresh  provisions,  he 
himself  took  refuge  in  the  woods  with  his  chief  officers  and 
his  wives. 

Easter  being  now  at  hand,  Quesada  determined  to  pass 
Holy  Week  in  quiet  at  Chia.  A  soldier,  to  commemorate  the 
fact,  cut  on  a  stone  an  inscription  which  might  have  lasted 
to  the  present  day,  and  should  have  been  preserved  as  a 
memento  of  the  conquest. 

The  inscription  ran  as  follows : 

"  In  this  place,  at  this  camp,  the  Licentiate  Quesada 
passed  Holy  Week,  this  year  of  1538. "^ 

Unluckily,  a  missionary  priest  after  the  conquest  took  the 
stone  and  used  it  for  the  doorstep  of  a  new  church  that  he 

I  This  was  before  the  days  when  the  title  of  marquess  became  so 
common  in  Spain  as  to  give  rise  to  the  saying,  "  There  is  not  a  town, 
wood,  mountain,  or  river,  in  Spain,  that  has  not  got  its  corresponding 
marquess." 

*  En  este  sitio  y  cercado  tuvo  el  Licenciado  Quesada  la  Semana 
Santa  este  ano  de  1538. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  iii 

was  building  in  Chia,  and  naturally  the  inscription  was 
effaced  and  the  stone  broken  up  or  lost.^ 

All  during  Holy  Week  Quesada  renewed  his  efforts  to 
open  up  negotiations  with  the  Zipa,  offering  him  peace,  and 
behaving  with  the  greatest  moderation  and  diplomacy. 
Had  but  the  chief  taken  advantage  of  Quesada's  instances  he 
might  have  saved  his  life,  and  the  whole  course  of  the 
conquest  might  have  run  on  different  lines. 

Of  course,  Quesada  was  the  invader  of  a  peaceful  country, 

whose  inhabitants  not  only  had  no  quarrel  with  him  or  with 

his  men,  but  never  in  their  lives  had  heard  the  name,  either 

of   the   Spaniards   or   of   Spain.     However,   we   ourselves, 

who  have  behaved  just  as  Quesada  did,  have  not  the  smallest 

right  to  criticize  him.     He  had  his  horses  and  his  crossbows, 

his  swords  of  tempered  steel  and  iron-shod  lances,  and  we 

(  our  arms  of  precision  and  our  artillery.     In  either  case, 

/  neither  in  Africa,  in  Asia,  or  America,  were  the  rights  of 

/    the  natives  ever  considered  for  a  moment  either  by  England 

1    or  by  Spain. 

Just  at  this  juncture  a  very  curious  case  arose  as  to  the 
chieftainship  of  Chia.  The  Zipa,  Bogota,  who  it  seems  was 
a  born  diplomatist,  seized  on  it  to  make  friends  of  Chia 
against  the  Spaniards. 

It  was  the  custom,  as  we  have  seen,  amongst  the  Chibchas 
that  the  nephews,  not  the  sons,  succeeded  to  the  chiefs 
in  their  hereditary  power.  The  chief,  however,  also  had 
the  right  to  name  as  his  successor  a  member  of  one  of  the 
numerous  noble  families  other  than  his  own. 

Bogota,  having  invited  Chia  to  a  conference  at  Cajica, 
met  him  in  the  presence  of  his  sister,  who  was  about  to  be 
confined.  Bogota  named  Chia  as  his  successor  to  the  dignity 
of  Zipa,  with  remainder  to  the  sister's  child  if  it  should  prove 
a  son.  He  added  as  a  provision  of  the  pact  that  Chia 
should  renounce  the  chieftainship  of  his  own  people  if  he 
succeeded  to  that  of  Bogota.     A  curious  and  interesting 

'■  Fray  Simon  describes  this  missionary  priest  as  "  bien  poco 
curioso,"  but  then  the  world  is  so  full  of  careless  vandals,  that  no 
one  need  be  surprised. 


TI2  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

arrangement,  and  one  that,  as  it  proved,  gave  an  infinity  of 
trouble  to  Quesada  after  the  death  of  Bogota. 

Quesada,  owing  to  the  abundance  of  provisions,  remained 
in  camp  at  Chia  longer  than  was  prudent,  hoping  to  make 
peace  with  the  various  chiefs,  and  in  especial  with  the  Zipa; 
but  it  proved  impossible. 

During  his  stay,  the  first  voluntary  instance  of  conversion 
to  tlie  Christian  faith  that  had  occurred  during  Quesada's 
expedition  happened  to  take  place.  True,  there  had  been 
conversions;  but  they  had  not  been  exactly  voluntary,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  Indian  Pericon,  who  showed 
the  way  over  the  mountain  paths  on  to  the  plains.  Pericon 
had  been  made  prisoner,  so  that  his  conversion  probably 
was  of  the  same  nature  as  the  freedom  of  the  Indians  who 
were  made  "  naborias,"  but  not  for  that  enslaved.  Oviedo, 
in  his  "  Natural  History  of  the  Indies,"^  explains  that  a 
naboria  is  an  Indian  who  is  not  a  slave,  but  has  to  work, 
although  against  his  will.  The  distinction  is  a  point  for 
casuists,  and  probably  in  the  religious  field  applied  to 
Pericon. 

This  was  a  different  case,  and  it  appears  quite  genuine, 

1  "  Naboria  es  Indio  que  no  es  esclavo,  pero  tiene  que  trabajar 
aunque  no  quiere:  "  Historia  Natural  de  las  Indias,"  Oviedo. 

Juan  Bautista  Munoz,  in  his  "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,"  1713, 
says  that  "  Oviedo  fue  muy  corto  en  punto  de  humanidades,  e 
incapaz  de  interpretar  y  usar  diestramente  los  autores  clasicos  " 
(Oviedo  was  little  learned  in  the  humanities,  and  incapable  of  skil- 
fully interpreting  classic  authors).  Mufioz  goes  on  to  say:  "  Obser- 
vaba,  preguntaba,  escribia  sin  cesar,  corregia  y  aumentaba  lo  escrito 
con  una  diligencia  digna  de  imitacion.  Lastima  que  tanta  industria 
y  curiosidad  no  hubiera  caido  en  sujeto  de  mas  letras  "  (He  ob- 
served, questioned,  and  wrote  without  ceasing,  and  corrected  and 
added  to  what  he  wrote  with  a  diligence  worthy  of  irhitation.  It 
is  a  pity  so  much  carefulness  and  industry  should  not  have  fallen 
to  the  lot  of  a  better  educated  man).  ]Muiioz  must  have  been  a 
learned  fool  himself.  Oviedo  may  not  have  been  a  classical  scholar, 
as  he  had  passed  his  youth  and  middle  age  in  fighting  and  discovering. 
He  had,  though,  what  is  far  better  than  mere  book  learning — an 
observant  mind,  as  his  great  work,  "  The  Natural  History  of  the 
Indies,"  shows.  The  definition  of  the  word  "  naboria  "  shows  that 
he  had  humour,  a  quality  that  neither  Salamanca  nor  Oxford  can 
impart.     Quod  natuya  non  dat,  Salamanca  non  prastat. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  113 

although  the  brand  snatched  from  the  burning  lived  for 
too  short  a  time  in  grace  to  prove  his  steadfastness. 

Quesada,  having^heard  that  the  Cacique  Subawas  a  man 
likely  to  accept  his  overtures  of  peace,  went  to  his  village, 
and  found  him  willing  to  submit.  Peace  was  declared  be- 
tween the  high  contracting  parties — Charles,  by  the  grace 
of  God,  Emperor  of  all  the  Spains,  and  the  Chief  Suba — with 
great  rejoicing.  Quesada  was  delighted,  and  Suba,  no  doubt, 
made  happy  with  the  usual  gifts  of  hawksbells,  a  scarlet 
cloak,  and  other  goods  of  a  like  nature,  calculated  to  impress 
him  with  the  might,  majesty,  and  power  of  his  ally  and 
friend. 

All  was  rejoicing,  when  suddenly  a  cloud  darkened  the 
horizon  of  their  joy,  though  destined,  as  it  will  appear,  to 
finish  in  a  sunset,  brilliant  beyond  relief.  The  Cacique  Suba 
(by  the  grace  -of  God)^  was  taken  seriously  ill,  so  ill,  indeed, 
that  the  two  priests  who  accompanied  the  expedition  saw 
that  the  only  way  to  save  his  soul  was  by  the  way  of  baptism, 
and  that  without  delay.  Straight  they  commenced  to 
catechize^  him  and  to  prepare  him  for  the  rite.  Grace 
touched  the  infidel,  and  having  understood  that  there  were 
many  things  he  must  believe  in  order  to  avoid  eternal  con- 
demnation, he  did  so  cheerfully,^  accepting  everything, 
and  asking  earnestly  to  be  admitted  to  the  fold. 

The  priests  at  once  baptized  him,  seeing  that  he  was  acting 
from  conviction,  and  there  was  little  time  to  lose.  The 
new-made  Christian  shortly  yielded  up  the  ghost,  quite  con- 
fident of  his  salvation,  to  the  great  joy  of  everyone  concerned.^ 

1  Por  la  gracia  de  Dios. 

2  Comenzaron  a  catequizarle. 
^  Con  mucha  alegria. 

*  "  Perdieron  los  Castellanos  a  su  buen  amigo  el  Cacique  de  Suba 
que  fallecio  de  una  breve  enfermedad,  recibiendo  antes  el  bautismo 
y  fue  el  primer  cristiano  de  estas  regiones  ":  "  Descubrimiento  de  la 
Nueva  Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  218.  The  regions 
of  which  Colonel  Acosta  writes  have,  indeed,  produced  many  good 
and  fervent  Christians.  As  regards  the  Cacique  of  Suba,  without 
questioning  his  faith,  that  certainly  was  all-embracing,  he  had  but 
little  time  to  show  by  his  good  works  much  friendship  to  the  Cas- 
tilians. 


114  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Quesada  at  last  saw  that  he  was  being  played  with  by 
the  Zipa.  So  he  determined  to  march  on  Muequeta,  the 
chief  town  of  the  Chibcha  Kings.  The  chroniclers  relate 
that  the  reason  why  Bogota  refused  to  meet  Quesada  was 
through  the  interpretation  of  a  dream.  It  seems  doubtful 
whether  the  chief  himself  had  the  dream  and  his  medicine 
man  interpreted  it,  or  whether  it  was  the  medicine  man 
who  had  the  dream  and  told  it  to  the  chief.  At  any  rate 
the  impression  that  the  dream  made  upon  his  mind  must 
have  been  very  deep.^  The  soothsayer  or  medicine  man  was 
called  Popon,  and  was  the  chief  of  the  valley  and  the  town 
of  Ubaque.  The  dream  was  of  a  bath  of  blood  which,  being 
interpreted  by  Popon,  signified  that  Bogota  would  lose  his 
life  at  the  hands  of  strangers  who  should  invade  his  lands. 
The  really  interesting  point  about  the  dream  is  not  preserved 
by  any  of  the  chroniclers,  for  none  of  them  tells  us  whether 
the  dream  took  place  before  or  after  the  strangers  came  into 
his  life.  As  nothing  shook  the  chief's  determination  not  to 
meet  the  Spaniards,  Quesada  marched  to  Muequeta,  and 
found  it  almost  empty,  as  everyone  had  fled. 

In  Muequeta  they  found  considerable  booty^ — some  gold 
and  emeralds;  but  far  less  than  they  had  expected,  as  the 
Zipa  had  carried  most  of  his  treasure  off  into  the  hills.  The 
soldiers  murmured,  and  were  disappointed  not  to  have  found 
the  riches  of  Peru. 

Unluckily,  none  of  the  conquerors  have  left  us  any  de- 
scription of  the  Zipa's  capital,  Muequeta.  We  know  it 
stood  not  far  from  where  Quesada  founded  Bogota,  but  there 
was  no  Cortes,  no  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  to  preserve  any 
description  of  it,  and,  alas!  no  Unknown  Conqueror,^  to 
draw  any  of  the  buildings,  as  in  Mexico. 

From  what  Quesada  says  incidentally,  and  from  his  having 
given  the  name  of  the  Valley  of  the  Palaces  to  the  whole 

^  Un  sueno  que  le  habia  declarado  un  famoso  jeque  .  .  .  dicho 
Popon. 

2  Un  buen  rancheo. 

3  The  brief  account  of  Mexico  by  the  Unknown  Conqueror  and 
his  sketch  of  the  Great  Teocalli  are  preserved  in  Ramusio's  ' '  Voyages  ' ' 
("  Colecciones  de  ViajesTy  Navegaciones  "). 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  OUESADA  115 

plain,  there  must  have  been  some  buildings,  even  if  made 
of  perishable  materials,  of  important  size.^  Their  situation 
was  almost  that  of  Bogota  as  it  now  stands,  backed  by  its 
twin  hills,  and  with  the  brawling  river  running  through 
the  streets.  The  sun  must  then,  as  now,  have  fallen  in 
clear  weather  on  the  eternal  snows  of  El  Ruiz,  turning 
them  rose-coloured,  and  the  deep  shadows  of  the  hills  behind 
the  city  at  sundown  have  been  projected  over  the  Sabana 
until  the  town  lies  buried  as  in  a  shroud,  only  the  towers  of 
the  churches  standing  up  like  lighthouses. 

Quesada  and  Cortes  destroyed,  the  first  a  rancheria  built 
of  wood  and  straw;  the  second,  one  of  the  most  curious 
prehistoric-looking  cities  that  the  world  has  known. 
Luckily,  in  both  instances,  they  founded  other  cities, 
and  had  the  luck  to  found  them  at  a  time  when  archi- 
tecture, though  it  had  lost  its  glory,  was  not  entirely 
debased. 

The  cities  that  they  founded  perhaps  owe  more  to  their 
position  than  to  their  architecture,  but  they  remain  to  show 
us  that  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  (the  men  whom  Protestant 
historians  use,  to  point  their  morals,  upon  all  occasions) ,  when 
they  destroyed  at  least  built  up  again  something  that  we 
ourselves  could  hardly  imitate.  Although  the  soldiers  were 
discontented,  Quesada  still  had  so  much  authority^  over 
them  that  he  stopped  all  plundering. 

The  Spaniards  were  not  allowed  to  remain  in  the  town 
peacefully,  for  Bogota  attacked  them  every  day.  Thinking 
to  make  them  leave  the  town,  the  Indians  shot  arrows  into 
it,  wrapped  up  in  blazing  straw,  to  set  the  roofs  alight.  All 
was  of  no  avail;  Quesada  working  beside  his  men  put  the 
fires  out,  and  drove  the  Indians  back  into  the  hills.  Though 
fighting  went   on  continually,  Quesada  still  kept  sending 

1  The  Captains  San  Martin  and  Lebrija,  in  their  "  Relacion," 
speak  of  it  as  "  one  of  the  finest  cities  "  in  the  Indies.  This  it  could 
not  have  been,  as  Mexico,  Quito,  and  Cuzco  must  have  been  im- 
measurably superior  to  it. 

2  "  Su  reputacion  era  tanta  con  los  soldados  por  sus  virtudes  y 
su  valor  que  con  mansedumbre  le  oian  y  con  valor  le  obedecian  ": 
Herrera,  "  Decada  VI.,"  libro  i.,  p.  3. 


ii6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

messages  to  Bogota,  offering  him  terms  of  peace.  What 
were  his  motives,  only  he  himself  could  have  explained.  He 
scarcely  could  have  thought  that  it  was  possible  the  Chibchas 
would  submit  to  him,  accompanied  as  he  was  by  but  a 
handful  of  Spanish  soldiers.  It  may  have  been  that  he  put 
faith  in  his  own  powers  of  persuasion,  and  hoped,  by  bringing 
Bogota  to  a  personal  conference,  to  persuade  him  to  submit. 
However,  though  his  Indians  were  daily  being  killed  in  their 
attacks  upon  the  town,  the  chief  was  still  defiant,  so  that  at 
length  Ouesada,  finding  himself  baffled,  determined  to  set 
out  and  track  the  Zipa  down. 

By  this  time  many  of  the  soldiers  had  learned  a  little  of 
the  Chibcha  language,  and  many  of  the  Indians  who  had 
come  from  Santa  Marta^  with  the  expedition,  a  good  deal 
of  it. 

By  degrees  the  Indians  became  familiarized  with  the 
Spanish  soldiers;  whilst  Ouesada  still  delayed  his  march  to 
track  the  Zipa  in  his  retreat,  an  Indian  who  was  a  cele- 
brated runner  challenged  the  Spaniards  to  run  v/ith  the 
best  horse  that  they  could  bring  against  him. 

Lazaro  Fonte,  the  best  horseman  in  the  expedition,  at 
once  took  up  the  challenge,  and  buckling  on  his  spurs 
mounted  his  "  zaino  "^  and  prepared  for  the  race.  At  a 
given  signal  the  Indian  started  off  like  a  stag,  his  feet 
scarcely  appearing  to  touch  the  road  in  his  career.  Lazaro 
Fonte  kept  just  alongside  of  him,  at  a  hand  gallop,^  and  the 
Indians  all  thought  the  race  was  theirs.  Touching  the 
zaino  with  the  spur,  Fonte  flew  past  the  Indian,  and  either 
by  accident  or  by  design  brushed  up  against  the  runner, 
who  fell,  measuring  his  length  upon  the  ground.'*  Lazaro 
Fonte  does  not  seem  to  have  acted  as  a  good  sportsman 
should,  for  being,  as  he  was,  a  first-rate  horseman,  he  must 

1  Fray  Simon  thinks  this  was  an  account  of  "  el  mas  comun  trato 
que  tenian  con  algunas  Indias."  As  the  Spaniards  had  all  been 
baptized,  this  source  of  information  was  not  open  to  them. 

2  "  Zaino  "  in  Spanish  America  usually  is  used  to  designate  a  dark 
brown  horse.     In  Spain,  for  a  black,  without  a  white  hair  about  him. 

*  A  media  rienda. 

*  Barriendo  la  tierra  con  el  hocico. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  117 

have  acted  by  design.  The  Indian,  when  he  recovered  from 
his  fall,  expressed  his  resolution  never  to  run  again  against 
such  beasts.^ 

Quesada  still  was  delayed  by  the  impossibility  of  finding 
any  guide  to  follow  Bogota  in  his  retreat,  and  not  desiring 
that  his  men  should  remain  camped  in  idleness,  began  to 
look  about  for  something  to  employ  them  on.  For  a  long 
time  the  Chibchas  had  been  at  war  with  a  wild  tribe  upon 
their  frontiers,  known  as  the  Panches,  who  passed  for  the 
most  formidable  warriors  with  whom  they  had  to  deal. 

Although  Quesada  had  been  unable  to  find  guides  to 
show  the  way  to  where  the  Zipa,  Bogota,  had  taken  refuge, 
he  had  no  such  difficulty  as  regards  the  Panches.  This 
was  but  natural,  as  Bogota  was  their  hereditary  and  almost 
sacred  ruler,  whereas  the  Panches  were  their  enemies.  No 
doubt  the  Chibchas  believed,  as  men  in  their  position  have 
so  often  thought,  that  their  two  enemies  might  destroy  each 
other.  Without  doubt  the  Panches  had  always  been  a 
thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Chibcha  kingdom.  They  lived  upon 
the  frontier  beyond  the  towns  or  villages  of  Fosca  and  of 
Cienaga.  These  Indians  were  cannibals,  used  poisoned 
arrows,  and  were  generally  tall,  well-made  men,  whereas 
the  Chibchas  were  short  and  squarely  built.  Their  ap- 
pearance was  designed  to  enhance  their  reputation  for 
ferocity,  for  their  hair  was  long  and  hung  down  from  their 
flattened  heads — a  conformation  they  obtained  by  pressing 
them  between  boards  in  their  childhood.  The  Chibchas 
always  were  obliged  to  keep  bodies  of  picked  men  upon  the 
Panche  frontier,  and  even  these  were  sometimes  not  strong 
enough  to  counteract  their  raids.  These  frontier  troops 
were  known  as  Guechas,  which  is  said  to  have  meant 
warriors  or  champions.  They  wore  their  hair  short,  so  as 
to  present  no  hold  in  single  combat,  and  kept  strict  discipline. 

Quesada,  having  obtained  guides,  sent  out  Captains  San 

Martin  and  Cespedes  to  reduce  the  Panches  to  obedience. 

Having  heard  so  much  of  their  ferocity,  the  little  expedition 

entered  their  country  with  their  swords  drawn,  lances  in 

1  Con  tales  bestias. 


ii8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

rest,  and  with  their  crossbowmen  and  the  few  harquebusiers 
that  they  had  all  ready  for  the  fray.  The  soldiers  and  the 
horses  all  wore  their  quilted  cotton  armour.^  Even  the 
bloodhounds  that  accompanied  them  all  had  their  quilted 
coats. 

At  the  last  frontier  post  they  found  a  body  of  the  Guechas, 
who  pleaded  with  them  not  to  adventure  into  the  Panches' 
country  in  such  small  numbers,  alleging  that  they  would 
have  but  little  chance  against  the  hordes  that  they  would 
meet.  Little  enough  the  captains  cared  for  a  disparity  in 
numbers,  relying  on  their  arms.  They  crossed  the  river 
that  divides  the  valley  of  Fusagasuga  from  those  of  Pati 
and  Apulo,  following  a  mountain  trail,  narrow  and  tortuous, 
on  which  only  a  single  man  could  pass.  As  they  wound 
down  the  pass  into  the  valley  of  Apulo,  the  Panches  fell 
upon  them,  about  five  thousand  strong.  Their  arms  were 
clubs  and  lances,  and  as  they  advanced,  they  rained  a 
shower  of  poisoned  arrows  and  of  darts  upon  the  Spaniards. 
Situated  as  they  were  without  reserves — for  the  Guechas 
who  had  followed  them  at  first  had  halted  higher  up  the 
mountain  path — thinking  the  Spaniards  would  soon  be 
overwhelmed,  they  could  not  be  reckoned  on  for  help. 
Captain  San  Martin,  being  an  experienced  Indian  fighter, 
and  knowing  he  would  soon  be  overpowered  if  he  remained 
on  the  hill  trail,  pushed  down  into  the  plain.  There  he 
could  bring  his  horsemen  into  action,  and  once  again  to  them 
(after  God)-  the  Spaniards  owed  the  victory.  Had  they  been 
surrounded  by  the  Panches  on  the  hills  their  fate  would 
surely  have  been  sealed,  for  the  Panches  were  a  far  more 
formidable  foe  than  the  unwarlike  Indians  of  Bogota. 

The  Panches  resisted  the  unknown  elements  they  had 
to  face  like  heroes,  and  though  the  horsemen  cut  bloody 
lanes  through  their  ranks,  they  were  filled  up  at  once  by 
their  reserves.  At  last  they  broke  and  fled,  but  sullenly, 
turning  repeatedly  to  launch  their  poisoned  arrows  and  their 
javelins.  So  hot  the  combat  was  at  times,  the  issue  of  the 
fray  so  doubtful,  that  many  of  the  Guechas  posted  on  the 
*  See  Chapter  II.  2  Despues  de  Dios. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  119 

hills  behind  the  Spaniards  went  back  to  tell  the  Zipa  that 
the  Panches  were  victorious.  Only  ten  Spaniards  and  six 
horses  were  seriously  wounded,  and  all  of  them  were  cured, 
owing  to  the  care  they  took  to  cauterize  their  wounds.^ 
A  somewhat  radical  proceeding,  the  actual  cautery,  but  it 
was  all  they  had. 

After  the  battle  the  two  captains  returned  in  triumph 
to  Quesada's  camp.  Upon  their  homeward  march  one  of 
those  curious  incidents  took  place  so  characteristic  of  the 
conquest  of  the  Americas.  Upon  a  little  eminence,  a 
Panche  warrior  of  great  stature  appeared  and  explained 
by  signs  that  he  wished  to  avenge  in  single  combat  the 
death  of  his  companions,  as  he  had  not  been  able  to  arrive 
in  time  to  fight  the  previous  day.  A  Spanish  soldier  went 
out  to  meet  him,  and  though  overthrown  at  the  first  onset 
regained  his  feet,  and  at  one  stroke  cut  off  the  Panche's 
head. 

Captain  Cespedes  wished  to  have  taken  the  man  prisoner, 
as  he  admired  his  courage,  but  the  Indian  gave  him  no 
time,  bounding  like  a  tiger  on  the  soldier  who  advanced  to 
meet  him,  and  running  on  his  fate. 

As  they  resumed  their  march  after  this  incident,  they 
were  again  alarmed  to  see  six  Indians  advancing  towards 
them  on  the  road.  As  they  drew  near  they  saw  they  carried 
with  them  a  rudely  fashioned  cross,  and  had  a  paper  in  their 
hands.  It  proved  to  be  a  letter  from  Quesada  to  Cespedes 
or  San  Martin,  or  anyone  who  had  survived,  and  evidently 
had  been  written  in  alarm  upon  receipt  of  news  of  a  defeat 
spread  by  the  Guechas  who  had  run  away  during  the  action 
in  the  hills. 

Quesada,  who  was  anxious  to  find  out  from  what  part 
of  the  country  the  Indians  procured  their  gold,  carefully 

1  "  No  habieren  peligro  de  la  muerte  por  el  cuidado  que  se  puso 
en  caldearlos  con  hierro  ardiendo,  remedio  eficaz  contra  la  herida 
de  hierba."  "  Hierba  " — literally,  a  herb — was  the  word  all  the 
chroniclers  of  the  conquest  employed  for  the  poison  the  Indians  used 
for  their  arrows.  In  point  of  fact,  though  the  juice  of  some  plants 
was  used,  the  chief  ingredients  seem  to  have  been  either  powdered 
ants  or  putrescent  animal  matter. 


120  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

questioned  the  messengers  who  came  and  went  between  the 
interi(jr  and  the  coast,  and  who  by  this  time  had  acquired 
some  little  knowledge  of  Castilian/  or  Christian,  as  the 
chroniclers  usually  styled  it  in  their  books.  These  told 
him,  as  it  is  believed  at  the  instigation  of  the  Zipa,  Bogota, 
that  they  lay  to  the  west.  This  was  in  the  direction  of  the 
Panches'  country,  and  it  may  be  the  Zipa  wished  to  involve 
the  Spaniards  in  further  trouble  with  the  warlike  tribe. 
At  least,  such  is  the  opinion  of  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,^ 
Piedrahita,  and  others  of  the  best  authorities.  Whether 
this  was  the  case  or  no,  one  thing  is  certain,  that  the  emerald 
mines  were  in  the  direction  that  they  went. 

Quesada  sent  an  expedition  out  under  Captain  Valenzuela, 
guided  by  the  men  whom  Bogota  had  sent,  or  perhaps  only 
indoctrinated,  to  find  the  emerald  mines.  They  set  out  full 
of  hope,  and  after  having  slept  at  Bojaca  went  on  to  Guata- 
vita,  and  camped  beside  the  celebrated  lake,  where  the 
strange  ceremony  of  the  El  Dorado^  was  accustomed  to  be 
held.  From  there  they  passed  on  to  Choconta,  the  last 
town  of  the  Zipa's  territory.  The  night  that  they  arrived 
there,  forty  ot  the  Spanish  soldiers  went  mad  from  eating 
the  berries  of  a  tree,  to  which  on  that  account  the  Spaniards 
gave  the  name  of  borrachera — that  is,  the  drunken  tree, 
or  perhaps  more  accurately  the  tree  that  makes  men  drunk.^ 
Quesada  is  reported  to  have  said  on  this  occasion:  "  They 
soon  got  over  it,  but  remained  madder  than  before,  for  they 
went  on  endeavouring  to  carry  out  the  madness  of  taking 
the  property  of  people  who  lived  two  thousands  leagues  from 
Spain. "^ 

1  ' '  Hablar  en  cristiano  "  (to  speak  Christian — that  is,  Spanish)  was 
an  ancient  euphemism  in  Spain. 

2  "  Descubrimiento   de   la   Nueva    Granada,"    Colonel    Joaquin 

AcOSta,  p.  222. 

3  See  Chapter  VIII. 

*  It  is  the  Datura  arborea. 

6  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin 
Acosta.  Colonel  Acosta  does  not  say  where  he  discovered  this 
passage  of  Quesada's  writings.  It  may  probably  be  incorporated 
either  in  Castellanos  or  Piedrahita.  If  these  were  his  real  sentiments, 
it  is  a  pity  that  he  fell  from  grace. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  121 

Quesada  had  now  entered  the  territory  of  a  rival  king,  the 
Zaque  of  Tunja,  a  mortal  enemy  of  Bogota's.  For  some 
reason  or  another  Quesada  had  not  found  this  out,  either 
because  of  the  loyalty  of  the  Indians  to  one  another  against 
the  common  enemy,  or  because  he  was  not  well  served  by 
his  interpreters.  Thus  he  missed  the  opportunity  of 
playing  the  two  chiefs  against  each  other,  after  the  fashion 
that  Cortes  played  the  Tlascalans  against  Montezuma,  when 
he  first  invaded  Mexico.  He  therefore  had  to  fight  each 
chief  separately. 

As  Captain  Valenzuela  and  his  expedition  slowly  marched 
along,  the  Indians  came  out  to  meet  them,  bringing  pro- 
visions, under  the  impression  that  the  newcomers  were 
Children  of  the  Sun.  As  the  same  superstition  or  idea  pre- 
vailed at  the  first  conquests  both  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru 
history  might  have  been  written  differently,  and  some  of 
the  discredit  that  attaches  to  every  European  nation  in 
its  dealings  with  less  advanced  races  been  removed,  had 
but  the  Spaniards  known  how  to  take  advantage  of  the 
picturesque  idea,  and  bear  themselves  in  a  manner  more 
befitting  to  their  supposed  lineage  and  state.  The  world 
might  then  have  seen  great  Indian  kingdoms  in  Peru  and 
Mexico  gradually  inducted  into  European  ideas,  but  with 
their  own  strange  customs  and  religions  still  preserved. 
We  must  not  lay  the  flattering  unction  to  our  souls  that  we, 
as  Englishmen,  would  have  behaved  in  the  least  better  than 
the  Spaniards  had  we  been  placed  in  the  same  situation  as 
they  found  themselves.  Facts  are  against  us.  Nor  is  it 
to  be  thought  that  all  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  did 
not  lament  the  conduct  of  their  countrymen  and  even 
criticize  it.^ 

^  Dr.  Don  Lucas  Piedrahita,  Bishop-elect  of  Santa  Marta,  has 
the  following  passage,  that  clearly  shows  his  opinion  on  the  matter, 
and  how  much  he  resented  all  that  had  been  done:  "  The  motive 
that  inspired  all  these  enterprises  from  Castille  was  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  and  the  conversion  of  the  infidel  to  the  true  faith; 
well,  then,  here  (in  Bogota)  the  concourse  of  the  infidels  who  were 
to  participate  could  not  have  been  more  numerous  "  ("  Historia 
General  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,"  Piedrahita, 


122  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Although,  as  is  plain  by  his  speeches,  Quesada  criticized 
not  only  the  motives  of  the  conquest,  but  his  own  share  in 
them,  no  one  can  suppose  that  all  or  any  of  his  captains  had 
any  special  qualms.  It  is  not  very  likely  any  of  them 
imagined  that  they  had  left  Castile  to  preach  the  gospel 
or  to  convert  the  infidel. 

Madrid,  1688).  The  bishop  is  writing  of  the  expedition  under 
Captain  Valenzuela  to  the  emerald  mines.  The  good  man  may  have 
thought  that  the  motive  of  the  conquest  was  to  preach  the  Gospel, 
but  "  Uno  pienso  el  bayo,  y  otro  el  que  le  ensilla." 


CHAPTER  X 

The  next  stage  was  to  a  place  called  Turmeque,  described 
as  great  and  populous.  Quesada  sent  on  Captain  Valenzuela 
to  report  upon  the  emerald  mines,  and  Captain  San  Martin 
to  see  if  he  could  reach  the  plains  of  which  they  had  just 
heard.  The  Spaniards  not  unnaturally  thought,  coming 
as  they  did  from  Europe,  that  if  the  mountains  were  so 
relatively  thickly  inhabited  the  plains  would  be  more 
thickly  populated  still.  They  had  not  the  least  idea  that 
the  plains  were  then,  as  they  are  still  to-day,  one  of  the 
wildest  and  least  populated  portions  of  the  globe.  The 
climate,  the  wild  animals,  the  difficulties  of  the  road,  the 
marshes,  the  countless  rivers  and  the  insect  plagues,  that 
make  life  miserable  upon  the  Llanos  of  the  Orinoco,  were 
all  unknown  to  them. 

Quesada,  with  the  bulk  of  his  expedition,  remained  to  rest 
at  Turmeque.  As  he  found  that  the  Indians  were  terrified 
by  the  sound  of  the  soldiers'  trumpets  whilst  he  was  resting 
in  the  camp,  he  ordered  them  to  take  any  old  pails  and 
kettles^  that  they  had  and  beat  them  with  warlike  in- 
struments. Thus  did  he  reverse  the  adage  of  the  sword 
being  beaten  into  a  ploughshare,  though  how  his  men  cooked 
their  provisions  without  kettles  no  chronicler  has  told. 
The  soldiers  called  the  place  the  Valley  of  the  Trumpets, 
a  name  it  may  still  have  preserved,  for  nearly  all  the  names 
given  at  the  conquest  have  become  permanent. 

Captain  Valenzuela  in  three  days  reached  Somondoco, 
where  the  emerald  mines  were  situated,  but  they  turned 
out  to  be  difficult  to  work.  Having  with  great  labour  got 
out  some  few  emeralds  he  returned  to  Turmeque.  He 
brought  the  news,  however,  that  from  the  top  of  some  high 
hills  near  Somondoco  he  had  seen  vast  grassy  plains  in  the 

^  Pailas  y  peroles  de  cocina. 
123 


124  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

far  distance,  stretching  out  like  the  sea.  Captain  San  Martin 
immediately  set  out  to  report  upon  them.  At  a  place  called 
Lengupa  they  passed  the  frontiers  of  the  Chibchas,  and 
soon  began  to  descend  a  mountain  path  towards  the  plains. 
The  road  was  terrible,  winding  along  the  edge  of  preci- 
pices. The  rain  was  constant,  and  the  few  Indians  that  they 
met  were  wandering  savages.  The  expedition  suffered  every 
kind  of  hardships,  being  reduced  at  one  time  to  eat  cakes 
made  of  cazabe  flour,  cooked  on  the  embers,  and  seasoned 
with  a  kind  of  ant  that  the  Chibcha  guides  who  accompanied 
them  devoured  quite  greedily,^  being  accustomed  to  eat  ants. 

The  march  made  by  Captain  San  Martin,  struggling  along 
with  his  horses  driven  in  a  band  before  them  in  mud  up  to 
their  bellies ;  the  saddles  carried  on  the  heads  of  the  Chibchas 
who  had  accompanied  the  expedition ;  the  soldiers  starving 
and  in  rags  looking  like  a  band  of  gipsies,  was  truly  wonderful 
as  an  example  of  what  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  were  able 
to  endure.  Even  to-day  it  is  a  serious  undertaking  to 
travel  down  from  Bogota  into  the  Llanos  of  the  Casanare, 
over  Andean  trails. 

Only  one  incident  seems  to  have  relieved  the  suffering 
and  the  monotony  of  hunger  and  hard  work.  On  one  oc- 
casion they  took  prisoner  an  Indian  maiden.  She  was  "  so 
beautiful  and  modest  and  so  well-behaved  that  she  could 
have  competed^  with  the  Spanish  women  who  were  most 
adorned  with  these  qualities."     As  she  was  very  like  a  girl 

^  "Los  Indies  de  Bogota  crian  hormigas  para  comerlas": 
"  Historia  de  las  Indias,"  Fray  Francisco  de  Gomara,  p.  65. 

'  "  Era  tan  hermosa,  modesta  y  grave  que  podia  competir  con  la 
espanola  mas  adornada  de  estas  prendas  y  porque  se  parecia  a  una 
que  los  soldados  habian  conocido  de  Santa  Marta,  que  la  llamaban 
La  Cardeiiosa,  le  ponian  a  la  India  ese  nombre  " :  Fray  Simon. 
Piedrahita,  who  was  a  bishop  and  therefore  less  likely  to  take  notice 
of  such  a  carnal  trifle  as  an  Indian  girl,  says:  "  Una  India  que  en 
cualquiera  parte  del  mundo  pudiera  senalarse  en  hermosura  (tan 
prodiga  andaba  la  naturaleza  en  la  disposicion  de  perfecciones  de 
que  doto  el  sujeto),  que  de  aspecto  grave,  achaque  de  que  adolecen 
todas  aquellas  que  tienen  confian9a  de  su  beldad,  y  no  la  aplican 
a  empeiios  ilicitos  "  (p.  138).  Though  a  Churchman,  Piedrahita 
shows  a  good  knowledge  of  the  subject. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  125 

the  soldiers  had  known  in  Santa  Marta,  called  La  Cardenosa, 
they  gave  the  same  name  to  the  Indian  girl.  Quesada  had 
specially  enjoined  on  Captain  San  Martin  not  to  be  absent 
more  than  ten  days.  This  period  was  now  completed,  and 
San  Martin,  although  he  had  not  reached  the  Llanos,  had 
received  reports  about  them  from  the  wandering  Indians 
far  from  encouraging.  However,  he  in  company  with  all 
the  Spaniards  of  his  time  did  not  believe  them ;  holding  that 
probably  the  Llanos,  instead  of  being  the  wild  unpopulated 
tract  they  really  were,  concealed  illimitable  wealth.  Somehow 
or  other,  even  as  early  as  in  Quesada's  day,  the  story  of  the 
Golden  Man^  had  got  transformed  into  the  legend  of  a  Golden 
City,  that,  as  it  never  could  be  found,  all  thought  was  situated 
somewhere  on  the  great  plains  along  the  Orinoco's  banks. 

As  San  Martin  knew  b}^  experience  that  Quesada  was  not 
a  commander  to  be  played  with,  the  ten  days  having  run 
out,  he  returned  back  on  the  same  road.  He  arrived  safely 
at  Lengupa,  without  the  loss  either  of  a  soldier  or  a  horse. 
From  there  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Quesada  saying  that  it 
appeared  impossible  to  reach  the  Llanos  by  the  path  he  had 
taken;  but  that  the  Indians  told  him  there  was  another 
road  from  Sogamoso,  and  that  he  intended  to  attempt  it 
after  a  little  rest. 

He  was  now  upon  the  proper  way,  for  from  the  town  of 
Sogamoso  there  runs  a  trail  that  has  been  used  from  im- 
memorial times  down  to  the  Llanos,  by  which  to-day  cattle 
are  driven  from  the  Casanare  up  to  Bogota. 

Before  San  Martin  started  for  Sogamoso  he  sent  back 
two  horse  soldiers^  to  Quesada  with  five  hundred  dollars' 
worth  of  gold  and  some  large  emeralds.  When  these  two 
horsemen  found  themselves  at  a  place  called  the  valley  of 
Boganipe,  to  their  surprise  they  came  upon  fresh  tracks 
of  horses  on  the  sand.  These  proved  to  have  been  made  by 
the  Alferez,  Vanegas,^  who  had  been  sent  out  by  Quesada  to 
gather  news  of  San  Martin. 

1  El  Dorado.  2  Dqs  de  a  caballo. 

3  Vanegas  subsequently  founded  the  town  of  Tocaima  and  became 
the  second  Marshal  of  New  Granada,  after  Quesada's  death. 


126  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Besides  the  horsemen  San  Martin  sent  out  two  foot 
soldiers,  thinking  Qucsada  might  be  still  at  Cienaga.  When 
these  men  arrived  at  Cienaga  it  was  just  nightfall,  and  as 
they  heard  no  sound  and  saw  no  lights  they  thought  the 
camp  had  been  abandoned.  For  fear  of  being  taken  prisoners 
by  any  band  of  Indians  that  might  be  in  the  neighbourhood, 
they  hid  themselves  in  some  thick  bushes  and  waited  for 
the  day.  At  midnight  they  were  surprised  to  hear  the 
braying  of  an  ass,  an  unfamiliar  sound  in  New  Granada  at 
the  time.  As  they  well  knew  there  was  but  one  specimen 
of  the  race  in  the  whole  country  they  were  overjoyed.  At 
once  they  knew  it  must  be  Marobare,  the  "  asno  con- 
quistador."^ His  voice  seemed  to  the  shivering  soldiers 
like  a  safe- conduct,^  and  in  the  morning  they  came  into  the 
camp.  They  found  that  Quesada  with  about  half  his  men 
had  marched  to  Tunja,  a  great  and  populous  place  of  which 
he  had  just  been  informed.  There  both  Vanegas  and  San 
Martin  rejoined  him  and  gave  in  their  reports.  Captain 
San  Martin  had  to  confess  his  expedition  had  been  a  failure, 
except  so  far  as  the  five  hundred  dollars  of  fine  gold  and 
the  large  emeralds  went.  Vanegas,  who  had  been  sent  to 
search  for  tidings  of  him,  had  journeyed  through  the  valley 
of  Boganipe,  and  then  come  upon  a  temple  in  the  woods. 
This  temple  was  of  considerable  size,  and  in  it  were  many 
images  of  eagles  and  of  snakes,  all  of  pure  gold  and  "  reason- 
ably well  made."^  The  whole  was  worth  six  thousand 
dollars,  and  Vanegas,  thinking  it  was  a  sacrilege  to  offer 
gold  to  a  false  deity,  appropriated  it,  thinking,  no  doubt, 
that  he  knew  better  gods  in  greater  need  of  it. 

Quesada  and  his  men  had  now  been  sixty  days  in  the 
territory  of  the  second  of  the  great  Chibcha  chiefs,  the  King 
of  Tunja,"*  and  so  well  had  the  Indians  guarded  the  secret 
that  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the  fact. 

^  See  Chapter  I. 

2  Un  salvo  conducto. 

3  Razonablemente  labradas. 

*  His  Indian  title  was  El  Zaque,  as  that  of  the  King  of  Bogota 
was  El  Zipa.  The  chroniclers  often  refer  to  them,  sometimes  by 
their  Indian  titles,  at  others  as  kings,  and  sometimes  they  merely 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  OUESADA  127 

For  how  much  longer  the  secret  would  have  been  pre- 
served no  one  can  say;  but  one  day  an  Indian  presented 
himself  before  the  Alferez,  Vanegas,  alleging  that  he  had 
been  ill-treated  by  his  chief  and  vowing  vengeance  on  him. 
He  promised  that  he  would  show  Vanegas  where  a  great 
chief  lived,  who  was  immensely  rich.  All  the  conditions 
that  the  Indian  made  were  that  his  hair  should  be  cut  off 
and  he  should  be  disguised.  At  once  Vanegas  sent  to  tell 
Quesada  of  his  discovery. 

After  interrogating  the  Indian,  Quesada  hastily  chose  out 
the  fifty  best  men  that  he  had,  half  of  them  mounted  and  half 
infantry.  Then  he  set  out  to  surprise  the  Chief  of  Tunja.^ 
This  potentate's  title  was  that  of  Zaque,  and  his  own  name 
was  Quemenchatocha, 

Quesada,  though  severe  enough  with  his  soldiers  about 
plundering  and  full  of  wise  saws  in  his  speeches  about 
justice  and  the  like,  seems  to  have  had  no  scruples  as  to 
appropriating  the  Indian's  treasure,  as  it  were,  under  his  own 
hand  and  seal.  This  is  not  to  say  that  he  was  cruel  or 
bloodthirsty,  as  were  most  of  the  other  conquerors.  He 
had,  however,  to  justify  his  position  as  leader  of  the  ex- 
pedition, both  to  his  immediate  chief,  the  Adelantado  Don 
Pedro  de  Lugo,  who  he  believed  was  still  alive,  and  to  the 
Emperor  in  Spain.  In  one  way,  and  in  one  way  only, 
could  he  do  so;  that  was  by  sending  gold  to  them;  firstly, 
to  pay  the  Adelantado  what  he  had  advanced  to  equip  the 
expedition,  and  secondly,  for  the  imperial  fifth .^  Placed 
as  he  was,  most  of  his  theories  of  justice  and  humanity 
vanished  before  the  pressure  of  stern  facts.  Such  is  the 
usual  fate  of  theories  in  this  vale  of  tears,  and  possibly  is  the 
best  reason  why  it  deserves  the  name. 

The  Zipa  of  Bogota  having  escaped  him  and  having  buried 

call  them  caciques  (chiefs).  Cacique  was  a  Carib  word  from  Santo 
Domingo,  but  was  introduced  and  used  by  the  Spaniards  all  over 
South  America. 

1  Tunja  is  said  to  be  corrupted  from  Hunsa,  the  original  Chibcha 
name. 

2  In  all  the  conquests,  a  fifth  part  of  the  gold  had,  by  a  special 
clause  in  the  generals'  commission,  to  be  sent  to  the  king. 


128  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

all  his  treasures,  Quesada  was  determined  that  the  Zaque 
of  Tiinja  sliould  not  have  time  to  escape  as  did  his  brother 
king.  So  he  pushed  on  at  a  smart  trot,  the  infantry  running 
beside  the  horsemen,  holding  to  their  stirrup  leathers.  For 
all  their  haste,  the}^  did  not  arrive  before  the  gates  of  Tun] a 
till  about  two  hours  before  nightfall.  A  deputation  met 
them  at  the  gate,  entreating  them  to  wait  till  morning,  and 
not  by  a  violent  entry  at  night  to  alarm  their  king,  who, 
they  explained,  was  old  and  in  ill-health.  It  was  of  no 
avail,  and  through  the  middle  of  the  crowd  of  Indians 
Quesada  and  his  men  passed  on  towards  the  centre  of  the 
town.  As  they  advanced  the  tumult  always  grew  greater, 
the  Indians  blowing  their  war  whistles,  shouting,  and 
brandishing  their  arms. 

In  the  last  ra5's  of  the  fast-sinking  sun  a  wondrous 
spectacle  broke  on  the  Spaniards'  eyes.  From  nearly  every 
house,  swinging  lightly  in  the  breeze,  hung  plates  of  gold, 
beaten  as  thin  as  sheets  of  paper,  that  gave  out  sounds  like 
an  .^olian  harp.  The  houses  were  well  built,  although  of 
slight  material,  and  the  tall  poles  of  the  chiefs'  residences, 
all  brightly  varnished  red,  gave  a  fantastic  look  to  the 
strange  city  that  was  so  soon  to  be  destroyed. 

When  they  arrived  at  the  king's  house,  they  found  the 
way  into  the  stockade  that  surrounded  it  secured  by  cords, 
and  packed  with  Indians  all  armed  to  the  teeth.  Quesada 
threw  himself  from  his  horse  and  cut  the  cords;  then,  with 
his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  followed  by  only  ten  of  his 
adherents,  he  passed  into  an  interior  courtyard,  leaving 
his  mounted  men  outside  to  guard  the  gate. 

There,  in  the  middle  of  a  patio,  he  found  the  king  seated 
upon  a  wooden  throne,^  and  with  his  courtiers  standing  in 
order  round  about  him,  all  armed,  and  wearing  golden  breast- 
plates and  diadems  of  plumes. 

So  did  the  Roman  senators  await  the  entry  of  the  Gauls 
into  the  senate  house  in  Rome.  The  attitude  of  the  King 
of  Tunja  was  to  the  full  as  heroic  as  was  that  of  the  senators; 

*  "  Sentadoen  dutro."  Dutro,  according  to  Castellanos  ("  Historia 
del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada  ").  was  the  Chibcha  for  throne. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  129 

,  all  that  he  lacked  in  history  was  a  larger  theatre  and  a 
!  favourable  historian.  Though  old  and  stout,  the  Zaque 
was  of  imposing  stature.  His  presence  showed  he  was  a 
man  accustomed  to  command.  His  glance  was  fierce.  His 
face  was  wide;  his  nose  was  large  and  twisted;  his  nostrils 
open ;  so  that  he  had  a  formidable  appearance.  He  looked, 
in  fact,  with  his  great  stature  and  his  fierce  look,  as  if  he 
had  been  the  successor  of  the  devil.^  Although  this  was 
the  way  the  King  of  Tunja  struck  the  Spanish  chroniclers, 
they  were  forced  to  admit  that  he  was  reputed  of  good 
judgment,  sagacious  and  astute,  diligent  in  his  office,  and 
keeping  all  the  strings  of  government  in  his  own  hands. 

This  potentate  was  not  dismayed  by  the  abrupt  incursion 
of  the  strangers;  but  sat  quite  quietly  regarding  them, 
with  his  feet  resting  on  a  fine  piece  of  matting  three  or  four 
inches  thick.  His  face  was  quiet  and  composed,  his  bearing 
dignified  as  he  remained  immovable  upon  his  throne,  with 
all  his  courtiers  standing  about  him  waiting  his  commands. 
Quesada,  who  was  a  gentleman,  at  once  recognized  the 
king,  and  by  the  mouth  of  an  interpreter  addressed  him 
in  the  usual  style  of  all  the  conquerors.  He  told  him,  as 
Cortes  told  Montezuma,  that  he  himself  was  the  vassal  of 
a  mighty  king,  who  had  sent  him  out  to  help  the  Indians, 
and  to  ensure  them  in  the  possession  of  their  lands^  and  for 
the  salvation  of  their  souls.  He  offered  him  an  alliance 
with  the  mysterious  potentate  who  had  dispatched  him  to 
America,  and  told  him  he  could  rely  on  equitable  treatment. 
Quesada  did  not,  as  did  Cortes,  explain  the  dogmas  of  our 
faith  to  the  Indian  potentate,  and  tell  him  that  he  must 
accept  them  instantly  or  perish  in  hell  flames. 

Considered  in  relation  to  the  other  speeches  of  the  con- 
querors on  similar  occasions,  Quesada  made  a  reasonable 
harangue.  It  was  the  speech  of  a  man  who  knows  he  has 
the  necessary  strength  behind  him  to  enforce  his  words, 
but  yet  contains  no  statements  that  anyone  could  reasonably 

^  "  Succesor  del  diablo  ":  Fray  Simon. 

-  There  seemed  no  great  necessity  for  this  assurance,  as  the  Indians' 
fixity  of  tenure  had  never  been  threatened. 

9 


130  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

challenge,  for  it  was  true  he  had  been  sent  out  by  Charles  V. 
As  to  the  alliance,  it  was  a  proposition  that  a  sensible 
man  might  take  into  consideration.  For  the  assurance  of 
possession  of  their  lands,  it  must  have  seemed  a  madness  to 
the  Indian  king,  who  naturally  had  no  idea  of  the  strength 
that  the  mere  handful  of  invaders  actually  possessed.  Fray 
Simon  says  that  "  the  speech  did  not  strike  him  badly." ^ 

If  this  was  really  so,  the  Zaque  must  have  been  an  extra- 
ordinary man.  He  answered  with  considerable  dignity  that, 
as  what  he  had  heard  was  new  to  him,  he  must  have  time  to 
think  about  it.  Meanwhile,  he  hoped  Quesada  would  retire 
to  a  house  that  he  had  prepared  for  his  reception,  and  come 
again  to  talk  the  matter  over  after  a  night's  rest.  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  reasonable,  or  more  in  keeping  with 
the  attitude  of  a  prudent  prince  who  had  been  offered  an 
alliance  with  a  foreign  potentate  by  a  handful  of  armed  men, 
who  had  appeared  without  an  invitation  and  might  have 
dropped  down  from  the  skies. 

The  Zaque,  who  was  both  prudent  and  astute,  may  have 
been  meditating  treachery.  Quesada  thought  so,  and, 
situated  as  he  was,  accompanied  but  by  fifty  men,  lost 
like  a  grain  of  sand  upon  the  shore  amongst  ten  thousand 
Indians,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  Still  he  could  hardly 
have  expected  that  the  Zaque  could  agree  upon  so  serious 
a  matter  as  an  alliance  with  a  foreign  and  an  unknown 
king  without  some  consultation  with  his  councillors. 
Quesada  was  not  long  in  making  up  his  mind,  and,  being 
convinced  apparently  that  treachery  was  intended,  deter- 
mined instantly  to  make  the  king  a  prisoner. 

Pizarro  and  Cortes  had  done  the  same  in  Mexico  and  in 
Peru,  but,  bold  as  were  their  coups,  they  were  as  nothing 
to  the  enterprise  Quesada  undertook.  Both  Cortes  and 
Pizarro  were  at  the  head  of  considerable  forces  that,  though 
inferior  in  numbers  to  their  enemies,yet  had  superior  strength 
at  their  command.  The  emperors  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru 
had  put  themselves  into  their  hands,  and  though  this  made 
the  treachery  of  the  Spanish  generals  still  more  odious,  it 
1  No  le  parecio  mal  la  platica. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  131 

gave  them  a  command  of  the  whole  situation,  out  of  Quesada's 
power  to  wield. 

Quesada  and  his  lieutenant,  Antonio  de  Olalla,  were 
perfectly  alone  in  a  great  building,  full  of  armed  Indians 
devoted  to  their  king.  Outside  there  were  but  eight  and 
forty  men,  half  of  them  mounted,  and  obliged  to  guard  their 
horses  above  everything.  Thus  only  about  twenty  men 
were  left  available  to  assist  their  general. 

Quesada  and  Olalla  drew  their  swords  and  resolutely 
advanced  towards  the  throne  where  the  old  king  was  seated, 
surrounded  by  a  ring  of  his  armed  courtiers.  When  they 
put  out  their  hands  to  seize  him,  for  the  first  time  he  seems 
to  have  taken  in  what  kind  of  men  he  had  to  deal  with,  and 
the  danger  that  he  ran.  Rising  up  from  his  seat  to  his  full 
height,  his  eyes  flashed  fire,  and  in  a  voice  that  shook  the 
rafters  he  called  upon  his  bodyguard  to  slay  the  madmen, 
and  then  to  deal  with  those  who  had  remained  waiting 
outside  the  gate.  All  was  confusion  in  an  instant,  the 
Indians  closed  like  angry  wasps  round  the  audacious 
Spaniards,  and,  above  all  the  tumult  rose  the  voice  of  the 
herculean  king  encouraging  his  men.  Had  they  been  fierce 
warriors  such  as  were  the  Mexicans,  Quesada's  fate  had 
certainly  been  sealed;  but,  though  the  Indians  clustered 
round  him  with  their  levelled  lances  pointed  at  his  breast, 
all  were  afraid  to  strike.  This  gave  time  to  the  Spanish 
soldiers  who  had  remained  outside  the  courtyard  to  rush  at 
once  towards  the  palace,  thinking  their  general  was  attacked, 
for  they  had  no  idea  of  what  was  going  on  inside.  Some 
tried  to  ride  their  horses  into  the  interior  courtyard,  and 
foot  and  horse  all  struggled  in  the  gate.  The  noise  was 
deafening,  as  the  Indians  in  the  town  to  the  number  of  ten 
or  twelve  thousand  all  were  alarmed  and  yelling  their 
shrill  cries. 

What  might  have  been  a  fatal  moment  for  the  Spaniards 
blocked  in  the  gate,  was  averted  by  the  coolness  of  Captain 
Gonzalo  Suarez,  who  rode  his  horse  right  through  the  group 
of  struggling  men,  and  turning,  shouted  to  them  not  to  fall 
into  a  trap.    They  obeyed  and  formed  their  ranks.     He 


132  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

placed  a  guard  of  mounted  men  across  the  gate,  with  orders 
to  let  no  one  pass  either  in  or  out.  Then,  with  a  few  picked 
men,  he  went  inside  the  palace  and  beheld  a  most  astounding 
sight.  Ouesada  with  one  hand  held  the  king,  and  with  the 
other  menaced  him  with  his  sword,  threatening  him  with 
death  if  he  attempted  to  escape.  The  king,  who  was  both  well 
advanced  in  years  and  very  corpulent,  soon  ceased  to  struggle, 
and  when  the  Indians  saw  he  was  a  prisoner,  they  quietly 
dispersed.  No  blow  was  struck  in  his  defence  by  his  armed 
bodyguard,  and  the  ten  thousand  Indians  in  the  town  were 
overawed  by  the  firm  front  the  Spanish  horsemen  at  the 
gate  presented  to  them. 

Fray  Simon  and  other  chroniclers  see  the  hand  of  God 
in  the  adventure,  and  think  the  general's  life  was  saved 
miraculously.  That  may  be  so ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  most 
deeds  of  arms  and  wild  adventures  undertaken  with  but 
scant  chances  of  success  are  of  themselves  so  great  a  miracle, 
that  intervention  from  a  superior  power  seems  to  destroy 
their  merit  and  take  away  that  element  of  chance  that  makes 
them  admirable.  No  feat  in  all  the  conquest  of  America 
was  more  adventurous  or  undertaken  in  the  face  of  such 
extraordinary  odds.  Had  but  the  Indians  rallied  round  their 
chief,  the  fate  of  the  two  Spaniards  could  not  have  remained 
for  an  instant  in  the  scales.  It  is  difficult  to  say  who  was 
most  worthy  of  our  admiration,  the  dignified  old  king  seated 
upon  his  throne,  quite  undismayed  at  the  incursion  of  the 
strangely  armed,  ferocious-looking  men,  mounted  upon 
their  terrible  and  unknown  animals,  or  the  two  bold 
adventurers  who  faced  such  fearful  odds. 

Ouesada,  still  holding  fast  the  king,  led  him  to  the  outer 
courtyard,  and  set  a  guard  of  soldiers  over  him,  telling  them 
to  treat  him  courteously  and  let  his  servants  and  his 
councillors  have  free  access  to  him.  By  this  time  night  had 
closed  upon  the  scene,  the  still,  cold  night  of  the  Sabana 
of  Bogota  with  its  deep  purple  sky  that  looks  as  if  a  velvet 
curtain  has  been  drawn  above  the  world,  thick  but  trans- 
lucent, pierced  by  a  myriad  stars.  No  doubt  Quesada 
did  not  look  at  it,  or  at  the  Southern  Cross  that  cast  a  soft 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  133 

effulgence  on  the  wide  plain,  its  beams  seeming  to  transfix 
the  earth  in  their  intensity.  His  thoughts  ran  on  far  different 
matters,  and  probably  he  grasped  for  the  first  time  that  fate 
had  raised  him  to  an  equality  with  Pizarro  and  Cortes, 
whose  exploits  he  had  always  emulated.  No  single  moment 
in  the  course  of  his  adventurous  life  could  have  held  more 
intense  emotions  for  him,  as  he  reflected  on  the  success  of 
his  audacity. 

His  first  act  was  to  set  horsemen  to  patrol  the  palace, 
and  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  rallying  and  overwhelming 
him  when  they  saw  what  a  small  force  had  overpowered  the 
town.  Luckily  for  Quesada  the  Chibchas  were  so  little 
warlike  that  when  they  fought  and  failed  to  get  the  upper 
hand,  their  practice  was  to  supplicate  the  Sun  to  pardon 
them  for  having  undertaken  an  unrighteous  enterprise.^ 

From  such  kind  of  people  naturally  there  was  but  little 
to  be  expected  in  such  a  crisis  as  they  found  themselves. 
Although  the  Spaniards  had  the  advantage  of  their  horses 
and  such  few  pieces  of  defensive  armour,  crossbows,  and 
harquebuses  as  had  survived  the  rust  and  damp  of  the  long 
months  of  wandering  on  the  Magdalena,  they  were  but  fifty 
men  all  told.  The  best  authorities  estimate  the  armed 
Indians  in  the  town  at  nine  or  ten  thousand,  and  talk  of  the 
population  being  as  innumerable  as  ants.^  For  all  their 
numbers  they  made  no  attempt  to  rescue  their  old  king  from 
the  invaders'  hands.  One  thing  they  did  do,  that  was  to 
pack  up  as  much  of  their  emeralds  and  their  gold  as  possible, 
in  bags,  and  throw  them  over  the  stockade  to  those  outside, 
who  bore  them  off  and  buried  them  so  safely,  that  the 
treasure  never  has  been  found. 

Quesada  was  unable  to  restrain  the  soldiers,  for  all  his 
power  over  them.  Excited  as  they  were,  and  for  the  first 
time  loose  in  a  town  that  seemed  to  them  to  be  on  a  par 
with  the  cities  they  had  heard  of  in  the  conquest  of  Peru, 

^  "  Los  Chibchas,  si  son  vencidos,  lloran  y  piden  perdon  al  sol 
de  la  injusta  guerra  que  comencaron  ":  "  Historia  de  las  Indias," 
Gomara,  p.  66. 

^    Innumerables  gentes  .   .   .  como  hormigas. 


134  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

with  lighted  torches  in  their  hands  they  searched  the  town 
for  gold.  Through  the  streets  they  rushed,  brandishing 
torches  at  the  imminent  risk  of  setting  the  straw-roofed 
houses  in  a  blaze.  The  shouting  and  the  tumult  of  the 
Indians  still  continued,  and  the  confusion  was  increased 
by  the  long  lines  of  fugitives  all  loaded  with  what  treasure 
they  could  carry,  pouring  out  of  the  town.  Around  the 
outer  stockade  of  the  palace  the  Spanish  horse  soldiers 
patrolled  all  through  the  night,  their  armour  and  their  stern 
faces  lit  up  now  and  then  by  the  gleam  of  a  passing  torch 
waved  by  some  plunderer.  The  unlucky  king  remained 
under  the  guard  of  Quesada  and  a  soldier.  What  his  feelings 
must  have  been  as  he  saw  all  his  town  ransacked  are  not 
hard  to  imagine,  for  he  was  a  man  of  stronger  character  than 
either  Montezuma  or  Atalhualpa,  and  his  calamity  had  fallen 
upon  him  far  more  suddenly  than  theirs. 

The  first  thing  that  the  soldiers  came  upon  was  a  bag 
containing  eight  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  gold.  Their 
next  find  was  a  sort  of  reliquary  containing  bones,  probably 
those  of  some  old  chief;  but  this  is  mere  conjecture  of  the 
chroniclers,  for  almost  every  record  (if  there  were  any)  of  the 
history  of  the  Chibcha  race  has  been  irrevocably  lost.  This 
reliquary  weighed  about  six  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  gold. 
Amongst  their  loot  were  an  enormous  number  of  thin  plates 
of  gold,  known  as  "  chagualas,"  that  hung  before  the  doors 
of  the  chief  houses  and  the  temples,  either  as  charms  or  to 
make  music  by  the  action  of  the  wind. 

Bags  full  of  emeralds  and  curious  sea-shells  the  Indians 
used  as  trumpets,  mounted  in  massive  gold,  and  golden 
eagles  that  had  adorned  the  roofs  were  thrown  in  a  great 
pile  before  Quesada,  as  he  sat  guarding  the  captive  king. 
As  the  soldiers  threw  down  their  loot,  they  cried  exultantly, 
"  Peru,  Peru,  Sir  General;  this  is  Peru  !" 

After  making  all  allowance  for  their  excitement,  and 
though  the  riches  found  in  Tunja  have  been  much  exag- 
gerated, the  fact  remains  that  Captains  Lebrija  and  San 
Martin,  in  their  "  Relacion  "  to  the  King  (Philip  II.),  say 
that,  united  to  a  small  sum  that  had  been  found  in  Sogamoso, 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  135 

the  Tunja  treasure  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ninety-one 
thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty-four  dollars'  worth  of  pure 
gold,  and  more  than  eighteen  thousand  dollars'  worth  of 
silver,  with  thirty-seven  thousand  of  gold  more  or  less 
alloyed.  In  addition  to  all  this,  there  were  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  fifteen  emeralds,  some  of  considerable 
size. 

The  soldiers  also  found  a  quantity  of  beads  of  every  colour 
made  out  of  various  bones,  and  beautifully  worked,  as  well 
as  beads  of  gold.  Fine  Indian  mantles,  shields,  and  arms 
adorned  with  gold,  made  a  great  heap  before  Quesada's 
feet,  so  great,  say  the  chroniclers,  as  to  tower  high  above 
his  head. 

Quesada,  at  the  instigation  of  his  soldiers,  but  apparently 
against  his  will,  urged  the  old  king  to  buy  his  liberty  for 
a  great  sum  of  gold.  He  proved  no  Atalhualpa  of  Peru, 
promising  to  fill  a  chamber  full  of  gold  so  that  his  life  was 
spared ;  but  wrapped  himself  in  an  impenetrable  and  scornful 
silence.  Once  and  once  only  did  he  speak,  to  say,  "  My 
body  is  in  your  hands,  do  with  it  what  you  choose,  but  no  one 
shall  command  my  will!" 

This  touched  Quesada,  for  he  was  no  mere  freebooter, 
caring  for  naught  but  gold.  He  instantly  gave  a  strict 
order  that  the  person  of  the  king  should  be  respected,  and 
that  his  wives  and  servants  should  have  access  to  him  and 
serve  him  with  his  accustomed  state.  This  order  was 
obeyed,  and  Quesada  to  his  credit  soon  set  the  king  at 
liberty.  He  did  not  live  to  enjoy  it  many  weeks,  for  the 
emotions  of  that  eventful  night,  when  in  a  few  short  hours 
he  saw  his  kingdom,  state,  and  power  tumble  down  like  a 
house  of  cards,  proved  fatal,  and  he  died  of  a  broken  heart. 
The  chroniclers  all  say  he  was  a  tyrant,  violent,  and  sudden 
in  his  rage,  and  bloodthirsty. 

Pay  and  appeal,^  so  runs  the  Spanish  saying.     The  King 
of  Tunja  paid  most  certainly  for  all  the  crimes  he  may,  or 
that  he  may  not,  have  committed.     His  history,  though 
written  by  his  enemies,  remains  his  best  appeal. 
^  Pagar  y  apelar. 


CHAPTER  XI 

The  Tunja  Indians  seem  to  have  made  no  attempt  whatever 
to  recover  their  lost  independence,  for  the  country  soon 
settled  down  quietly  under  Quesada's  rule.  Having  in  his 
practice  refuted  all  his  theories  as  to  the  injustice  of  coming 
seven  thousand  miles  to  rob,  and  of  the  Indians  being  in 
their  own  country,  where  the  Spaniards^  only  were  intruders, 
Quesada  ruled  the  conquered  Indians  with  moderation  and 
with  equity.  Had  he  remained  in  power  for  several  years 
after  the  conquest  was  achieved,  conditions  on  the  Sabana 
de  Bogota  would  have  been  very  different  from  what  they 
became  under  the  rapacious  governors  who  succeeded 
him.  Events  were  destined  to  take  him  from  the  country  he 
had  conquered,  and  so  the  chance  of  a  mild  government 
by  an  educated  man  was  lost.  The  reins  of  power  fell 
into  the  hands  of  men  sent  out  from  Spain,  whose  sole  idea 
was  to  get  rich  as  soon  as  possible,  no  matter  at  what  cost. 

As  the  expedition  was  in  camp  at  Tunja,  news  arrived 
of  a  great  temple  at  a  place  called  Suamos,  famed  for  its 
riches  and  its  sanctity.  Quesada  instantly  set  off  to 
plunder  it,  having  thrown  all  his  theories  to  the  winds.  On 
the  first  night  he  rested  at  a  place  called  Paipa,  and  was 
received  by  the  chief  inhabitants,^  who  brought  a  little 
present,  and  told  him  that  the  head  chief  was  getting  ready 
several  loads  of  treasure  for  him.  Quesada  camped,  and 
the  Duitamas  returned  into  their  town  and  spent  the  night 
in  hiding  all  their  gold.  When  morning  broke  they  all 
ascended  several  little  mounds  that  overlooked  the  camp, 
and  after  a  loud  chorus  of  derisive  yells  disappeared  into 

1  All  of  these  phrases  appear  in  his  addresses  to  his  men,  as  reported 
by  the  various  chroniclers. 

2  These  were  inferior  chiefs,  known  as  Duitamas. 

13^ 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  137 

the  hills.     When  the  Spaniards  advanced  into  the  town 
they  found  it  empty,  without  an  ounce  of  gold. 

Quesada  pushed  on  rapidly  to  Suamos.^  Near  to  it  lay 
the  sacred  valley  of  Iraca,  the  seat  of  the  third  Chibcha 
potentate,  and  the  theatre  of  the  mysterious  apparition  of 
their  lawgiver.^ 

The  inhabitants  attempted  some  resistance,  as  they  looked 
on  their  temple  with  great  veneration  and  respect.  How- 
ever, as  the  ground  was  fiat,  the  Spanish  horsemen  soon 
dispersed  them,  and  they  advanced  into  the  town  just  as 
night  fell  upon  it.  They  found  it  solitary,  deserted,  but 
by  an  aged  priest  with  a  white  beard,  who  told  them  that, 
as  he  had  passed  the  whole  of  his  long  life  in  the  service  of  the 
temple,  he  had  remained  to  die.  This  was  the  first  time 
that  the  Spaniards  had  seen  a  bearded  Indian,  and  though 
the  chroniclers  referred  to  him  as  the  minister  of  the  devil,^ 
to  whom  the  Indians  prayed,  the  more  imaginative  soldiers 
seem  to  have  been  touched  at  his  appearance  and  used  him 
with  respect. 

At  the  door  of  the  great  temple  stood  a  row  of  mummies,"* 
all  adorned  with  golden  ornaments  and  emeralds.  These 
were  the  bodies  of  their  chiefs  and  of  the  priests  who  served 
the  temple,  and  were  held  highly  sacred  by  the  Indians. 

The  temple  was  of  considerable  size,  built  all  of  hard 
wood,  brought  on  the  Indians'  backs  from  the  hot  country 
of  the  Magdalena,  and  wonderfully  wrought.  The  soldiers, 
tired  with  their  march,  set  down  their  torches  in  the  temple 
without  extinguishing  them,  and  fell  asleep  exhausted  on  the 
floor.  Either  the  torches  caught  the  straw-thatched  roof,  or 
perhaps  the  old  white-bearded  priest  himself  set  fire  to  the 
temple  where  he  had  passed  his  life.     The  sleeping  soldiers 

^  This  may  be  the  modern  Sogamoso. 

2  See  Chapter  VIII. 

3  Fray  Simon,  Piedrahita,  and  Castellanos  always  refer  to  the 
Indians'  prayers  as  their  "  talking  with  the  devil." 

*  "  Y  en  una  barbacon  bien  compuesta  [the  Temple]  hombres 
difuntos,  secos,  adornados  de  telas  ricas,  y  joyas  de  oro  ":  "  Elegias 
de  Varones  Ilustres  de  Indias,"  Castellanos,  Madrid,  1589,  Canto 
Sexto,  p.  183. 


138  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

were  awakened  by  the  flames  that  soon  devoured  the 
wooden  structure,  though  it  is  said  the  building  smouldered 
five  or  six  wceks^  after  the  fire  took  place. 

Although  the  fire  consumed  the  temple  and  whatever 
riches  it  contained,  and  the  Chief  Suamos  before  he  fled 
into  the  hills  had  concealed  his  treasure,  Quesada  took  away 
about  a  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  gold. 

The  old,  white-bearded  priest  lost  his  life  in  the  flames — 
it  was  never  known  whether  by  accident  or  by  design.  His 
end  was  worthy  of  him,  for  after  having  passed  his  days  in 
his  beloved  temple  he  perished  with  it.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  he  received  his  due  reward,  in  some  Valhalla  of  the 
Indians,  where  temples  cannot  burn. 

Fearing  that  the  whole  valley  of  Iraca  would  rise  against 
him,  for  they  had  held  their  temple  in  great  veneration, 
Quesada  returned  in  haste  to  Tunja,  by  forced  marches, 
making  the  Indians  carry  his  plunder  on  their  backs.  So 
careful  was  he  of  his  horses,  knowing  their  value  to  him, 
that  to  have  them  fresh  and  ready  for  a  fight  if  the  necessity 
should  arise,  he  made  his  soldiers  all  march  on  foot,  with 
Indians  carrying  the  saddles  and  the  horses  driven  on  in 
front. 

At  Tunja  he  received  news  that  a  chief  called  Tundama 
was  preparing  to  attack  him,  having  allied  himself  with 
several  other  chieftains,  and  raised  an  army  of  ten  thousand 
Indians.  Quesada's  policy  was  that  of  any  other  conqueror 
f  in  his  position — that  is,  to  detach  some  of  the  allies  from 
the  confederacy,  under  the  pretext  that  the  chief  partner 
in  the  league  was  a  mere  tyrant  pursuing  his  own  ends.  He 
sent  an  embassy  to  Tundama,  telling  him  that  he  was  the 
vassal  of  a  great  potentate,  and  had  come  to  save  his  soul. 
The  Chief  Tundama  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  humour, 
for  he  returned  an  answer  that  he  cared  little  for  his  soul 
so  that  his  body  was  in  safety,  and  sent  a  message  of 
defiance,  telling  Quesada  to  leave  his  territory.  This,  of 
course,  he  would  not  do,  but  advanced  against  Tundama 

1  Fray  Simon  says:  "  Some  say  for  five  years,  but  this  seems  too 
long  "  (Cinco  anos  pareceme  mucho). 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  139 

instantly.  Tundama,  who  had  made  good  use  of  his 
confederacy,  met  him  with  the  best  disciplined  and  appointed 
army  that  the  Chibchas  yet  had  put  into  the  field.  The 
armies  joined  battle  at  a  place  called  Bonza,  and  for  a  time 
the  Indians  maintained  a  stout  resistance  to  the  Spanish 
arms. 

The  Indians'  weapons  were  long  lances,  clubs,  and  wooden 
swords,  with  javelins^  that  they  launched  with  a  throwing 
stick.2  There  is  no  mention  of  their  using  bows  and  arrows. 
Their  generals  wore  tall  headdresses  made  with  the  feathers 
of  parrots  and  macaws.  Quesada  nearly  lost  his  life  on  this 
occasion,^  for,  having  charged  almost  alone  into  the  thickest 
of  the  Indians,  he  received  a  blow  from  a  club  that  felled 
him  from  his  horse.  He  bounded  to  his  feet  and  defended 
himself  with  his  accustomed  valour'*  against  the  Indian^ 
who,  after  having  brought  him  down,  was  trying  to  dispatch 
him  with  his  club.  Quesada  would  undoubtedly  have  lost 
his  life,  for  the  Indians  were  crowding  round  him,  had  not 
a  Spanish  soldier,  one  Baltazar  Maldonado,  fought^  his 
way  through  the  press  and  caught  his  horse,  and  aided  him 
to  mount.  Never  in  his  adventurous  life  was  he  in  greater 
danger  than  in  the  Bonza  fight. 

The  battle  over,  Quesada  marched  from  Paipa,  leaving 
the  chief  "  tolerably  well  chastised."''  From  the  dead 
Indians  he  took  "  a  reasonable  booty,"^  composed  of  golden 
bracelets,  chagualas,  and  circlets  that  the  chiefs  wore  round 
their  heads.  Those  Indians  who  had  not  been  slain  took 
refuge  in  some  marshes  that  were  near,  into  which  the 
horsemen  could  not  penetrate. 

Quesada  then  marched  to  Suesca,  not  far  from  where 

1  Tiraderas.  2  Estolica. 

3  "  Estuvo  muy  i.  pique  de  ser  muerto  ":  Piedrahita,  p.  121. 

4  "  Su  acostumbrado  valor  ":  Piedrahita,  p.  122. 

5  "  Gandul  "  is  the  word  that  Piedrahita  uses  to  describe  the 
Indian.  Castellanos  ("  Historiadel  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada  ")  says 
the  word  was  used  to  designate  a  grown-up  Indian  (adult).  In 
modern  Spanish  it  is  often  used  for  a  vagabond. 

8  A  grandes  lanzadas.  '  Algo  castigado. 

**  Un  razonable  despojo. 


140  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

now  stands  Bogota,  a  place  in  which  fate  destined  him  to 
pass  much  time  in  his  old  age.  There  it  is  said  he  took  his 
resolution  to  settle  in  the  Sabana  of  Bogota  and  build  his 
capital.  At  first  he  had  determined  to  build  his  capital  at 
Tunja,  either  because  of  the  fine  climate  or  in  remembrance 
of  his  bold  exploit  on  the  memorable  night.  It  is  said  the 
superior  beauty  of  the  position  of  Bogota  eventually  decided 
him,  and  he  could  not  have  picked  a  better  site  on  which 
to  found  a  town. 

At  Suesca  he  received  information  of  the  fertile  vale  of 
Neiva,  in  the  hot  country  near  the  Magdalena,  and,  hearing 
it  was  rich  in  gold,  set  out  to  march  there  with  about  fifty 
men,  leaving  his  brother  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada  to 
command  the  camp.  This  brother  was  a  man  of  character, 
and,  though  inferior  to  Quesada  in  ability,  was  a  good  soldier ; 
but  he  lacked  his  brother's  tact. 

Then  began  one  of  those  arduous,  fantastic  expeditions 
that  few  men  but  the  Spanish  conquerors,  without  pro- 
visions and  without  the  smallest  knowledge  of  the  country, 
could  ever  have  survived.  Quesada  and  his  men  were  now 
accustomed  to  the  high  altitude  of  Bogota,  a  climate  so 
severe  in  its  abrupt  difference  from  the  tropics  that  nearly 
every  foreigner  suffers  from  it  upon  his  first  arrival,  and  is 
unable  to  take  exercise.  Yet,  Quesada  and  his  men  ap- 
parently entered  and  left  it,  and  entered  it  again,  without 
experiencing  any  bad  effects.  It  may  be  that  as  they 
journeyed  slowly,  they  became  gradually  accustomed  to 
the  abrupt  changes,  although  even  on  muleback  people 
to-day  suffer  severely  from  mountain  sickness^  in  the  high 
passes  of  the  Andean  chain.  The  reports  he  had  received 
of  Neiva  were  such  as  to  influence  his  imagination,  and  the 
cupidity  of  all  his  men.  Neiva,  it  was  said,  possessed  a 
temple  sustained  on  pillars  of  pure  gold,  and  had  a  row  of 
golden  statues  standing  around  a  court. 

The  only  road  known  to  the  guides  was  a  mere  track  that 
ran  by  Pasca,  over  the  desert  plateaux,  down  to  the  valley 

1  Known  as  "  soroche  "  in  Colombia  and  Ecuador,  and  "  puna  "  in 
Peru  and  Chile. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  141 

of  Fusagasuga.  These  high  desert  plateaux,  known  as 
Paramos,  lie  at  an  altitude  of  ten  to  twelve  thousand  feet, 
and  are  inhabited  but  by  a  few  miserable  Indians,  who 
cultivate  enough  potatoes  to  sustain  existence,  and  possess 
some  herds  of  goats.  The  winds  are  ic}^ ;  magnetic  storms  of 
fearful  violence  break  over  them  at  frequent  intervals,  and 
but  for  the  tall  plant  known  to  the  inhabitants  as  Frailej  on^ 
and  a  short  wiry  grass,  the  pastures  of  the  goats  are  ab- 
solutely bare.  The  hardships  they  endured  upon  these 
barren  plains  must  have  been  most  severe ;  but  they  emerged 
at  length  into  the  hot  and  humid  valley  of  the  Magdalena, 
where  at  once  their  Indian  guides  deserted  them,  fearing  the 
tropic  heat,  as  do  the  Indians  of  Bogota  to-day,  who  suffer 
just  as  much  in  the  low  country  as  do  newcomers  from  the 
coast  in  the  high  altitude  of  Bogota. 

When  they  arrived  upon  the  Magdalena,  so  far  was 
Quesada  from  finding  a  temple  held  up  on  columns  of 
pure  gold,  that  there  was  nothing,  but  a  few  deserted  huts. 
Such  Indians  as  they  were  had  taken  refuge  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  great  river,  and  all  night  long  kept  up  a  constant 
yelling  at  the  invaders  from  their  camp. 

Quesada  found  the  Neiva  valley  of  incomparable 
fertility,  as  it  still  is,  producing  all  the  fruits  of  the  tropics 
with  a  minimum  of  toil.  Fertility  of  soil  was  not  the  first 
desideratum  with  the  Spaniards  of  these  days,  so  Quesada, 
discouraged  by  the  lack  of  gold  in  the  deserted  huts  of  Neiva, 
though  they  contained  a  few  "  chagualas  "  and  a  few  images, 
was  preparing  to  march  back  to  Bogota.  Just  as  he  was 
about  to  start,  to  his  astonishment  an  Indian  emerged 
dripping  from  the  river,  carrying  a  bundle  on  his  head. 
The  Alto  Magdalena  is  almost  three-quarters  of  a  mile  in 

1  Fraylejon.  "  La  resina  de  este  nombre  que  nunca  se  endurece 
y  es  excelente  para  meter  en  calor,  aun  d  los  muertos,  como  dicen, 
y  desencojer  nervios  entumecidos.  Es  planta  baja  que  solo  nace 
en  las  montanas  mas  frias  cerca  de  la  nieve.  Es  del  tamano  y 
figura  de  un  frayle  vestido  de  bianco.  Las  flores  son  grandes  y 
amarillas  y  dan  un  olor  grave  y  displicente  ":  "  Historia  del  Reino 
de  Quito,"  por  el  Presbitero  Don  Juan  de  Velasco,  ano  de  1789; 
edicion  de  Quito,  1844. 


142  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

breadth  in  the  valley  of  Neiva,  and  runs  fiercely  between 
its  banks.  Thus  the  poor  Indian  had  performed  no  little 
feat  in  crossing  it.  His  courage  or  his  curiosity  were 
great,  for  him  to  adventure  unarmed  and  alone  in  the 
camp  of  the  terrific  strangers,  whose  feats  of  arms  must  have 
been  known  to  him.^  It  turned  out  that  his  bundle  was 
composed  of  thin  gold  plates,  reasonably  fashioned  in  the 
shape  of  hearts.  This  raised  the  spirits  of  the  soldiers, 
who  had  been  suffering  with  fever  from  the  rapid  change 
of  climate,  from  want  of  food,  and  from  the  disappointment 
they  had  undergone.  When  the  indefatigable  Indian, 
after  several  journeys  across  the  river,  laid  a  considerable 
pile  of  gold  at  Quesada's  feet,  the  soldiers,  looking  at  it  as  in 
a  dream,  said,  What  use  is  gold  to  men  about  to  die  ?  Their 
disillusion  and  their  weakness  through  the  perpetual  attacks 
of  fever  were  so  great  that  they  prepared  for  death,  and 
this,  too,  after  a  year  of  the  same  climate  lower  down  the 
Magdalena's  banks.  To  remain  where  they  were  was  to 
invite  disaster,  and  to  return,  weak  as  they  were,  above  their 
resolution,  had  not  Quesada  once  more  shown  himself 
indefatigable.  Two  soldiers  who  were  stronger  than  the 
rest,  Pedro  Salgar  and  Juan  de  Ovalle,  carried  the  gold  by 
turns.  The  miserable  procession,  leaning  on  sticks  and 
tottering  as  they  walked  from  fever  and  from  lack  of  food, 
set  out  upon  its  via  crucis  through  the  hills.  Quesada, 
desperately  ill  himself,  went  on  in  front  leading  his  horse, 
for  all  the  horses  had  been  attacked  by  a  mysterious  illness, 
that  rendered  them  almost  too  weak  to  bear  their  saddles 
on  their  backs. 

The  first  cool  night  in  the  high  Paramos  revived  the 
horses  and  the  soldiers,  and  next  day  they  made  a  tolerable 
march. 

After  five  or  six  days  of  suffering  they  reached  Pasca,  with 
the  loss  of  six  of  their  companions,  and  rested  from  their 
toils. 

1  He  was  rewarded  with  some  knives  and  scissors,  but  no  mention 
is  made  of  hawksbells,  those  tinkling  symbols  of  European  might, 
so  perhaps  the  supply  had  become  exhausted. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  143 

To  the  fair,  fertile  vale  of  Neiva  they  gave  the  title  of 
''  El  Valle  de  la  Tristeza,"  which  in  their  case  it  certainly 
deserved.  Since  then  it  has  become  one  of  the  healthiest 
of  the  hot  districts  of  Colombia,  and  with  the  enchanting 
valley  of  the  Cauca  disputes  the  title  of  an  earthly  paradise. 

From  Pasca  Quesada  sent  an  express  to  his  brother 
Heman  Perez  to  meet  him  at  or  near  Bogota. 

His  first  act  on  arriving  there  was  to  appoint  commis- 
sioners to  divide  up  the  treasure  they  had  collected  in 
emeralds  and  gold.  The  royal  fifth  amounted  in  this  case 
to  forty  thousand  dollars,  five  hundred  and  sixty-two 
emeralds,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  alloyed  and  inferior 
gold.  Each  foot  soldier  received  five  hundred  and  twenty 
dollars'  worth  of  gold,  and  every  horseman  a  thousand. 
The  officers  were  given  two  thousand  dollars  each.  Quesada 
apportioned  seven  parts  of  the  whole  to  himself,  and  nine 
to  the  Adelantado  Lugo.  Later  on,  when  he  received  the 
news  of  the  Adelantado's  death,  he  adjudged  the  nine 
portions  to  himself.  Though  some  have  blamed  him 
severely  for  so  doing,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the 
Adelantado's  son  was  a  complete  and  worthless  scoundrel, 
who  had  betrayed  his  father  and  run  away  to  Spain. 

Upon  the  whole,  for  a  man  who  had  come  out,  as  he  told 
the  King  of  Tunja,  to  save  the  Indians'  souls,  he  had  not 
done  badly  for  himself.  Some  of  the  soldiers  were  dis- 
contented; but  this,  as  Fray  Simon  observes  with  a  pawki- 
ness  worthy  of  a  North  Briton,  usually  happens  on  occasions 
of  the  kind.^ 
\  After  the  gold  they  divided  up  the  emeralds.  The  soldiers 
must  have  both  trusted  and  respected  Quesada  far  more  than 
his  men  trusted  Cortes  in  Mexico,  for  there  they  were  always 
at  issue  with  him  as  to  the  division  of  the  spoil.  On  this 
occasion  many  of  them  came  to  Quesada,  and  giving  him 
their  share  begged  him  to  keep  it  for  them,  and  lay  it  out 
on  their  account  when  he  returned  to  Spain. 

When  all  was  satisfactorily  arranged.  Fray  Domingo  de 
las  Casas  asked  for  a  contribution  to  found  a  chaplaincy, 
*  Suele  pasar  en  tales  ocasiones. 


144  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

to  say  perpetual  masses  for  the  souls  of  those  who  had 
perished  before  they  conquered  Bogota.  To  the  honour  of 
the  soldiers,  they  subscribed  willingly. 

Whilst  the  conquest  of  Tunja  had  been  going  on,  and 
during  the  unlucky  expedition  to  the  vale  of  Neiva,  the 
Zipa,  Bogota,  had  never  ceased  from  harassing  the  invaders 
to  his  best  ability.  Combats  were  frequent,  and  night  and 
day  he  kept  the  Spaniards  on  the  alert  by  his  attacks. 
He  himself  had  retired  to  a  fastness  near  to  Facatativa. 
This  town  stands,  and  stood  in  those  days,  just  at  the  top 
of  the  high  pass  that  leads  up  from  the  hot  country  of  the 
Magdalena  into  the  temperate  plains.  The  old  paved  mule 
trail  to  the  town  of  Honda,  passing  by  Guaduas,  breaks  off 
from  it.  Upon  one  side  it  is  backed  with  mountains.  Upon 
the  other,  in  Quesada's  day,  an  extensive  marsh,  through 
which  ran  paths,  known  only  to  the  Indians,  stretched 
towards  Bogota.  In  an  hour's  march  thick  bushy  country 
gradually  extends  down  to  the  tropic  forests,  so  that  the 
position  that  the  Zipa  had  retired  to  was  impregnable,  until 
Quesada  found  the  path  through  the  morass.  The  chief 
himself  never  directed  his  attacks  in  person,  on  account  of 
the  prophecy  that  he  should  die  by  the  hands  of  strangers, 
a  prediction  that  he  managed  to  avoid.  So  it  became  of  the 
first  importance  to  Ouesada  to  take  a  prisoner  who  could 
be  compelled  to  show  the  paths  to  the  Zipa's  fastnesses. 
Captain  Lazaro  Fonte — always  the  most  active  of  Quesada's 
scouts — happened  one  day  to  capture  two  Indians  who  had 
been  lurking  in  the  reeds.  It  turned  out  they  were  spies 
sent  by  the  Zipa  to  get  information  as  to  the  Spaniards' 
camp.  Nothing,  not  even  torture,  could  make  the  elder 
prisoner  betray  his  king.  He  died  without  a  sign;  but  the 
younger  man,  more  careful  of  his  own  life  than  his  king's,^ 
promised  to  show  the  way. 

This  was  the  first  time  Ouesada  had  allowed  actual  cruelty. 
Once  more,  and  once  more  only  in  his  long  career,  did  he 
fall  into  the  same  error,  and  curiously  enough  the  second 
instance  brought  him  censure  and  a  fine  from  the  Council 

1  Fray  Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  145 

of  the  Indies,  that  never  noticed  the  innumerable  instances 
of  cruelty  that  stained  the  names  both  of  Pizarro  and 
Cortes. 

Following  the  poor  caitiff,  Quesada  instantly  set  out 
with  the  best  portion  of  his  forces,  hoping  to  surprise  and 
take  the  Zipa  prisoner.  All  night  they  followed  paths 
through  the  morass,  guided  by  the  unlucky  Indian  who  had 
preferred  to  save  his  life  by  turning  traitor,  and  as  day  broke 
they  found  themselves  before  a  strong  stockade. 

Although  the  Indians  were  in  force  to  the  number  of 
several  thousand,  and  their  king  was  in  their  midst,  they 
fled  almost  without  resistance.  The  only  attempt  they 
made  to  give  the  king  a  little  time  to  flee  was  by  throwing 
firebrands  on  the  Spaniards,  so  that  the  Zipa  might  escape 
under  the  cover  of  the  smoke.  One  Dominguez,  a  cross- 
bowman,  seeing  a  principal  Indian,  but  without  knowing  that 
he  was  the  king,  shot  a  bolt  that  pierced  the  escaping  Zipa 
through  the  shoulder-blade.  He  fell  into  the  arms  of  those 
about  him,  who  bore  his  body  to  the  woods. 

Thus  died  the  Zipa,  the  most  powerful  potentate  of  the 
Chibcha  confederacy,  who,  had  he  lived,  would  probably 
have  become  the  sole  chief  of  the  race.  In  one  respect  he 
was  more  lucky  than  was  Atalhualpa  or  Montezuma,  for 
at  least  he  died  free  and  amongst  his  friends.  One  of  the 
chroniclers,  with  a  complete  neglect  of  the  humour,  so  uni- 
versal in  the  Spanish  race,  remarks  of  him,  "  He  gave  his 
life  up,  miserably  bathed  in  his  blood,  though  he  could  have 
had  a  better  fate  had  he  made  friends  with  the  Spaniards 
and  bathed  himself  in  the  floods  of  Holy  Baptism."^ 

He  had  a  better  fate  than  his  successor,  who  voluntarily 
put  himself  into  Quesada's  hands. 

The  Spaniards  never  found  his  body;  but  it  is  said  the 
Indians,  after  having  sought  for  it  in  vain  for  many  days, 
remarked  a  flight  of  vultures  settling  down,  deep  in  the 
woods,  and,  going  to  the  place,  came  on  the  body  of  the  Zipa 

^  Fray  Simon.  The  good  friar  seems  to  have  forgotten  how  often 
these  floods  seem  to  have  proved  fatal  to  the  adult  Indian  bather, 
by  his  own  account. 

10 


146  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

and  buried  it.  This  fact  was  unknown  to  the  Christians  at 
the  time.^ 

His  palace,  as  the  Spaniards  styled  it,  was  full  of  game — 
deer,  rabbits,  and  birds  of  every  kind.  All  kinds  of  cotton 
cloths  were  piled  up  in  abundance;  but  there  was  but  a 
single  golden  vessel,^  and  a  few  beads  and  images.  This 
golden  vessel  proved  to  be  full  of  gold  dust  of  the  value  of 
a  thousand  ducats.^  Curiously  enough  the  Indians,  who 
had  attempted  no  resistance  in  the  lifetime  of  their  king, 
now  attacked  the  Spaniards  so  continuously  that  Quesada 
was  obliged  to  quit  the  marshes,  and  move  on  to  the  open 
plain,  where  he  could  use  his  cavalry  against  the  Indian 
attacks. 

It  is  supposed  that  the  great  energy  the  Indians  displayed 
was  inspired  by  the  new  Zipa,  Sagipa,  a  valiant  warrior  and 
very  much  beloved.  This  warrior,  who  had  been  a  captain 
under  the  late  king,  was  in  a  difficult  position,  for  the  legiti- 
mate inheritor  to  the  Zipaship  was  the  Cacique  of  Chia. 

Thus  Sagipa,  after  Quesada  had  retired  to  Bonza,  found 
himself  harassed  on  one  side  by  the  Cacique  of  Chia,  and 
on  the  other  by  the  ferocious  Panches,  the  hereditary  enemies 
of  the  Chibcha  race.  The  Panches  were  a  ferocious  race  of 
Indians,  whose  country  lay  to  the  west  of  Bogota.  They  are 
described  by  Herrera  as  going  naked,  armed  with  arrows 
and  carrying  shields^  that  covered  them  from  their  feet  to 
their  heads.  The  same  authority  says  that  their  normal  life 
is  that  of  people,  half  reasonable,  for  they  punish  crime, 
especially  homicide.     There  are  many  gallows  in  the  roads 

*  "  .  .  .  y  buscandole  los  Indies  con  gran  cuidado,  vieron  que 
aquellas  gallinas  silvestres  que  llaman  Urubues  que  comen  todo 
genero  de  carrona,  iban  al  monte,  y  sospechando  lo  que  fue,  las 
siguieron  y  hallaron  muerto  al  senor  Bogotd,  de  lo  qual  no  tuvieron 
noticia  los  Christianos  por  entonces  ":  Herrera,  "  Decada  VI.," 
libro  xiii.,  p.  71. 

2  "  Totuma  de  oro  " :  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  235.  "  Totuma  " 
is  the  Colombian  word  for  a  gourd. 

•'  The  gold  ducat  was  worth  about  nine  shillings. 

*  "  Los  Panches  andaban  desnudos,  en  carmes  .  .  .  y  llevaban 
pavesas  que  las  cubren  de  pies  d  cabe9a  ":  Herrera,  "  Decada  VI.," 
cap.  vi.,  libro  i. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  147 

of  their  territory.^  Herrera  dwells  with  some  complacency 
upon  these  gallows,  evidently  holding  that  it  was  a  sure 
proof  of  their  semi-reasonableness. 

With  the  fear  of  these  savages,  and  the  hostility  of  the 
Cacique  of  Chia,  Sagipa  thought  that  the  only  course  that 
remained  open  to  him  was  to  throw  himself  upon  Quesada's 
generosity.  He  arrived  in  person  at  the  camp  and  sought 
an  interview  with  the  Spanish  general,  telling  him  that 
at  first  he  had  determined  to  avenge  the  death  of  Bogota 
at  any  hazard ;  but  that  upon  reflection  he  found  the 
Spaniards  were  invincible. 

The  general  received  him  with  great  affability,  and  both 
Quesada  and  all  the  Spaniards  were  astonished  at  his  gallant 
bearing.'^  Sagipa  expressed  himself  with  grace  and  majesty,^ 
and  seems  to  have  been  in  all  his  ways  a  prince.  He  was 
also  rich,  which  helped  him  not  a  little,  affable  and  courteous 
with  everybody."*  These  qualities,  although  they  do  not 
of  themselves  ensure  success  in  rulers  or  in  statesmen,  yet 
by  their  absence  often  ruin  their  careers.  Sagipa  had  the 
silken  glove,  but  most  unluckily  for  him  not  the  traditional 
iron  hand  inside  of  it.  After  the  fashion  of  so  many  princes, 
either  tottering  on  their  thrones  or  not  yet  well  established 
in  their  seat,  he  sought  alliance  with  a  stronger  than  him^- 
self,  forgetting  that  there  can  be  no  real  equality  with  a 
superior  power. 

He  begged  Quesada  for  his  aid  against  the  Panches,  his 
savage  neighbours  on  the  west.  Quesada  answered,  pro- 
mising him  protection  and  telling  him  that,  as  he  was  now 
the  vassal  of  a  mighty  prince,  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  he 
might  consider  himself  safe. 

1  "  Hay  muchas  horcas  por  los  caminos  .  .  .  es  gente  tan  bestial 
que  no  adoraban,  ni  creian,  sino  en  sus  deleites  y  vicios  ":  Herrera, 
"  Decada  VI." 

2  "  El  general  le  recibio  con  mucho  gusto,  acrecentandole  ^ 
el  y  d.  los  demas  Espafioles  con  ver  su  coinpostura,  gallardia,  gracia 
y  disposicion  de  su  persona  ":  Fray  Simon. 

3  "Por  la  buena  gracia  y  majestad  de  palabras  con  que  se 
expresaba  ":  Piedrahita,  14,  lib.  5°,  cap.  6°. 

*  "  Era  hombre  rico  que  le  ayoidaba  mucho  .  .  .  afable  con  sus 
palabras  bien  criado  con  todos  ":  Fray  Simon. 


148  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Sagipa  had  any  definite  idea 
of  what  was  said  to  him,  or  who  was  the  great  prince  whose 
vassal  he  had  become  so  expeditiously.  Quesada,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  by  this  time  determined  to  found  his  colony, 
and,  as  he  knew  the  Panches  must  be  his  neighbours,  no  doubt 
thought  that  the  present  was  as  good  as  any  other  time  to 
make  them  feel  his  strength. 

Sagipa  went  home  to  call  his  army  up,  and  upon  his  return 
the  new-made  allies  instantly  marched  against  the  common 
enemy.  Sagipas  army  numbered  many  thousands,  all 
armed  in  Indian  style,  with  lances,  arrows,  and  with  clubs. 
Quesada  mainly  took  his  cavalry,  and  so  they  marched, 
descending  every  mile  into  a  hotter  country,  and  following 
nearly  the  same  track  by  which  the  railway  now  descends 
from  Facatativa  to  Girardot.  They  must  have  passed  by 
Zipacon,  and  by  the  plateau  where  now  stands  the  station 
of  La  Esperanza,  and  then  by  Juntas  de  Apulo,  to  where  the 
Panche  forces  were  encamped  at  Anolaima,  close  to  the 
river's^  bank. 

As  they  descended,  passing  from  the  open  plains  with  their 
short  wiry  grass,  their  air  of  solitude  and  dearth  of  animals 
and  birds,  their  hard,  blue  shadows  and  their  scanty  vegeta- 
tion, the  country  changed  insensibly,  and  cloaks  must 
have  been  tied  behind  the  saddles,  helmets  slung  to  the 
ends  of  lances,  as  round  the  marching  column  trogons  and 
tanagers,  and  golden  orioles  with  their  black-and-yellow 
beaks,  have  darted  overhead.  Humming-birds  must  have 
hung  poised  above  the  flowers,  and  as  the  column,  winding 
like  a  snake,  entered  the  tropic  forests,  the  rich,  dank  smell  of 
the  decaying  vegetation  hung  on  their  nostrils,  almost  choking 
them,  as  bathed  in  sw^eat  they  struggled  through  the  woods. 

They  found  the  Panches  in  a  natural  position  at  a  place 
called  Tocarema,  not  far  from  Anolaima,  where  they 
defended  themselves  so  bravely  and  so  well  that  they  beat 
back  the  first  assault,  routing  the  Chibchas  under  their 
Cacique  Sagipa  completely,  and  wounding  ten  of  the  Spaniards 
with  their  poisoned  darts. 

1  The  Magdalena. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  149 

Quesada's  situation  was  most  critical.  All  night  his 
soldiers  stood  to  arms.  They  also  cured  their  wounds  in 
"  the  accustomed  manner."^  Quesada,  who  was  as  prudent 
in  his  generalship  as  he  was  careful  in  his  conveyancing 
in  his  career  at  the  courts  in  Granada,  sent  out  two  ranks 
of  sentinels — one  to  watch  the  Panches,  and  the  other  to 
guard  against  treachery  from  Sagipa.  As  long  as  the 
Panches  remained  in  the  protection  of  their  natural  fortress 
in  the  rocks,  Quesada  was  unable  to  attack  them  with  his 
cavalry.  This  they  appeared  to  understand,  and  his  efforts 
failed  to  draw  them  out  upon  the  plain.  A  deep  ravine  ran 
close  to  Quesada's  camp.  In  it  he  posted  Captains  San 
Martin,  Suarez,  Lazaro  Fonte,  Zorro,^  and  his  brother 
Hernan  Perez,  with  all  the  horsemen  he  could  spare. 

He  arranged  that  Sagipa  with  his  Chibchas  should  make 
a  violent  attack,  and  then  fallback,  as  if  in  confusion,  towards 
the  ambuscade.  All  happened  as  he  had  planned.  Sagipa 
attacked,  retreated  hurriedly,  and  then  from  the  ravine  the 
horsemen  dashed  out,  lancing  the  Indians  and  killing  dozens 
of  them.  The  Panches  were  completely  routed,  and  in  the 
morning  sent  an  embassy  to  sue  for  peace.  Much  against 
their  will,  Quesada  made  them  swear  allegiance  to  Sagipa, 
their  hereditary  enemy.  Quesada  and  his  Indian  allies 
retraced  their  steps  through  the  dank  forests  to  Bojaca,  the 
first  town  on  the  plains.  The  journey  took  them  from  high 
summer  into  winter,  or  gave  the  effect  of  doing  so;  for  as 
the  tropic  vegetation  slowly  disappears  and  grows  more 
scanty  each  league  upon  the  road,  a  greyness  seems  to  fall 
upon  the  world,  oppressive  both  to  the  body  and  the  mind. 

Quesada  now  was  bound  by  gratitude  to  Sagipa,  who 
had  not  only  made  a  voluntary  alliance  with  him,  but  had 
fought  bravely  by  his  side. 

By  this  time  many  of  the  Spaniards  had  acquired  a 
smattering  of  the  Chibcha  language.  This  was  the  occasion 
of  their  finding  out  that  Sagipa  had  usurped  his  power  at 
the  expense  of  the  Cacique  of  Chia.     It  cannot  be  supposed 

^  By  the  actual  cautery. 

2  Zorro  =  fox,  a  good  name  for  the  leader  of  an  ambuscade. 


150  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

that  any  of  the  Spaniards  cared  a  single  maravedi^  for  the 
rightful  succession  in  an  Indian  dynasty.  No  doubt  they 
saw  a  pretext  to  extort  more  gold,  just  as  Pizarro  did  when 
he  slew  the  Inca  in  Peru,  or  as  Cortes  in  Mexico  would 
certainly  have  done  with  Montezuma  had  not  death  freed 
him  from  his  hands. 

Quesada,  either  carried  off  his  feet  by  the  amount  of  gold 
he  had  already  got  together,  or  by  the  thirst  for  more, 
or  threatened  by  his  soldiers,  as  the  letter  he  received  from 
them  seems  to  imply,  or  urged  on  by  his  brother,  the  un- 
scrupulous Heman  Perez,  ordered  the  arrest  of  Sagipa.  The 
pretext  was  that,  as  he  had  usurped  the  throne,  he  could  not 
claim  the  treasure  of  the  late  King  Bogota. 

Nothing  more  futile  or  unjust  could  have  been  possibly 
contrived.  The  indignation  of  the  Indians  knew  no  bounds : 
but  they  were  powerless  to  resist.  They  had,  indeed,  good 
reason  for  their  indignation.  Their  king,  with  a  noble 
generosity,  had  voluntarily  placed  himself  in  Quesada' s 
power,  and  had  been  accepted  as  a  vassal  of  the  King  of 
Spain.  All  this  availed  him  nothing,  and  Quesada,  who 
must  have  known  the  vileness  of  his  act,  charged  Sagipa 
with  being  not  only  a  usurper  of  his  own  king's  authority, 
but,  by  having  laid  his  hands  upon  the  treasure  of  his  pre- 
decessor, a  rebel  against  Spain. 

The  unlucky  Sagipa  listened  attentively  to  the  revolting 
charge,  and  showed  no  little  prudence^  in  his  answer  to  it. 
He  said  it  would  take  him  at  least  forty  days  to  gather  up 
the  treasure  of  his  predecessor,  as  it  was  concealed  in 
different  hiding-places  deep  in  the  recesses  of  the  hills. 
He  urged  Quesada  to  allow  him  to  have  the  gold  brought  in 
by  night,  for  fear  of  robbers  by  the  way.  After  a  day  or 
two,  some  Indians  brought  a  sack  of  gold  just  about  night- 
fall, and  this  the  soldiers  saw. 

Sagipa  offered  to  keep  the  gold  in  his  own  apartment,  and 
the  Spaniards  set  a  guard  outside  the  house.     When  the 

1  The  maravedi  was  worth  less  than  a  farthing. 
*  El  Cacique  no  mostro  poca  prudencia  en  la  respuesta  a  esa 
platica. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  151 

guard,  following  the  usual  custom  of  a  watch,  had  gone  to 
sleep,  the  Indians  silently  carried  it  all  off,  and  on  the  next 
night  they  returned  bringing  the  same  gold.  At  length  the 
trick  was  found  out,  and  Quesada,  in  his  rage  at  having  been 
outwitted,  had  the  cacique  flogged.  The  wretched  man, 
thinking  to  gain  time,  threw  the  blame  of  the  trick  on  the 
inferior  chiefs.  These  were  arrested,  put  to  the  torture, 
and  ultimately  hanged.  As  the  poor  creatures  were 
ignorant  of  the  details  of  the  plot  they  died  without 
a  word. 

As  a  last  resource,  the  Sagipa  offered  to  lead  the  Spaniards 
to  the  place  where  the  gold  was  concealed.  They  started 
off  into  the  mountains,  carrjring  with  them  the  miserable 
man  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  and  its  ends  in  the  hands  of 
soldiers.  After  a  long  and  arduous  march,  he  led  them  to  a 
path  beside  a  precipice.  In  the  middle  of  it  he  jumped  into 
the  void,  thinking  to  drag  the  soldiers  after  him,  and  end  his 
misery.  Fate  was  unkind.  The  rope  held  fast,  and  the 
soldiers  dragged  him  back  on  to  the  path. 

So  that  there  should  be  nothing  wanting  to  complete 
the  infamy,  on  his  return  Quesada  had  him  tried  for  re- 
bellion, appointing  his  own  brother  Hernan  Perez  to  be  his 
advocate.  With  a  devil's  advocate  of  such  a  kind  his  con- 
demnation was  assured.  The  court  condemned  him,  finding 
him  a  rebellious  vassal  of  the  emperor,  and  the  penalty  was 
death.  This  suited  nobody  but  Sagipa  himself,  for  a  quick 
death  was  not  a  thing  that  any  Indian  feared.  To  brand 
his  memory  with  an  indelible  black  stain,  and  place  him 
on  an  equality  of  infamy  with  his  two  prototypes  Pizarro 
and  Cortes,  Quesada  yielded  to  the  solicitation  of  his 
soldiers,  and  Sagipa  was  so  severely  tortured  that  he  died. 
Under  the  torture  he  never  spoke  a  word,  wrapping  himself 
up  in  the  stoicism  of  the  Indian  race,  a  stoicism  that  no 
tonnent  ever  broke  through  in  all  the  annals  of  the  conquest 
of  the  New  World. 

The  gold  was  never  found.  The  stain  remains  upon  the 
name  of  one  who,  but  for  this  one  lapse  into  the  cruel 
waj'S  of  his  compeers,  would  have  gone  down  to  history  as 


152  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

the  best  of  all  the  conquerors.  It  is  but  just  to  say  that 
Herrera/  no  mean  authority,  says  that  Quesada  acted  under 
compulsion  of  his  followers.  If  this  was  true,  he  showed 
a  lamentable  weakness,  hard  to  be  believed  of  a  man  who 
in  such  desperate  perils  had  made  proof  of  so  much  resolu- 
tion, and  whose  authority  and  prestige  with  his  men  had 
ever  stood  so  high. 

1  Los  soldados  insolentes  y  codiciosos  por  la  fama  de  los  grandes 
tesoros  del  Bogota,  hicieron  requerimiento  A  Gonzalo  Ximenes 
(de  Quesada)  para  que  pusiere  en  hierros  i  Sagipd  y  le  diese  tormento 
y  porque  no  lo  hacia,  entendiendo  ser  injusto,  las  murmuraciones  y 
quejas  de  los  soldados  eran  grandes,  diciendo  que  se  entendia  con 
Sagip^,  y  de  nuevo  volvieron  ±  los  requerimientos  y  protestas  y 
dieron  poder  a  Geronimo  de  Ansa  para  que  pusiere  demanda  en 
juicio  y  Gonzalo  Ximenes,  nombr6  por  defensor  de  Sagipd  i.  su 
hermano  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  con  juramento  de  que  haria 
bien  su  oficio,  y  oidas  las  partes  se  llego  al  tormento,  y  alii  barbare- 
mente  le  mataron  sin  que  descubriese  nada. 


CHAPTER  XII 

The  conquest  of  the  Chibcha  nation  now  was  an  accom- 
plished fact.  The  last  Zipa  had  been  cruelly  and  unjustly 
done  to  death.  The  King  of  Tunja  (El  Zaque)  had  died, 
in  freedom  it  is  true,  but  none  the  less  of  the  effects  of  the 
invasion  of  his  territory.  The  third  chief  of  the  nation, 
he  who  held  the  spiritual  power  and  was  represented  at 
Quesada's  coming  by  the  Cacique  of  Suamos,^  had  little 
military  power,  and  from  the  first  was  not  unfriendly  to  the 
Spaniards.  Thus  Quesada  found  himself  absolute  master 
of  the  Sabana  of  Bogota.  The  Chibcha  territory  had  been 
bounded  on  all  sides  by  wild  tribes,  such  as  the  Panches 
and  Pijaos.     For  the  present  the  Panche  power  was  broken. 

Being,  as  he  was,  a  man  of  judgment,  and  having  had  his 
judgment  fortified  by  experience,  Quesada  clearly  saw  his 
forces  were  not  strong  enough  to  undertake  any  further  con- 
quests, till  he  had  reinforcements  sent  from  Spain.  He  also 
saw  it  was  of  first  importance,  as  did  Pizarro  and  Cortes  when 
they  had  found  themselves  in  positions  almost  identical  with 
his,  to  procure  recognition  of  his  de  facto  governorship 
from  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  The  title  of  marquess 
accorded  to  the  conquerors  of  Mexico  and  Peru  gave  them 
great  prestige  with  their  followers,  and  this  Quesada  knew. 

Even  more  important  to  him  was  to  keep  his  popularity 
with  his  soldiers,  so  once  again  Quesada  made  a  division  of 
the  spoil.  He  found  he  had  about  twenty  thousand  dollars' 
worth  of  gold  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  emeralds  to 
distribute.  Each  man  received  his  share.  The  chaplains 
seem  to  have  been  specially  favoured^  in  the  distribution. 
After  it  was  over  Padre  Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas,  a 

1  Now  called  Sogamoso. 

2  No  siendo  de  los  menores  la  (porcion)  que  se  dio  a  los  capellanes, 
el  Padre  Juan  de  Lescames  y  el  Padre  Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas. 

153 


154  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Dominican,  preached  powerfully  to  the  soldiers  on  the 
necessity  of  founding  an  oratory,  with  money  for  masses 
for  the  conquerors'  souls,  to  be  said  in  perpetuity.  This 
he  did,  knowing  that  the  gold  and  emeralds  would  soon  be 
lost  at  cards. ^  This  was  the  second  time  that  the  good 
friar  had  preached  to  the  soldiers  to  give  him  money  for  an 
oratory.  Either  they  were  really  moved  by  the  preacher's 
eloquence,  or  else  they  thought  their  souls  would  require 
perpetual  prayer  to  save  them,  for  they  once  again  con- 
tributed liberally.  The  sum  they  gave  was  three  thousand 
dollars — no  mean  contribution.  Quesada  evidently  was 
impressed  by  it,  for  he  refers  to  it  in  his  will,  executed  at 
Mariquita  just  before  he  died.^  The  oratory^  was  founded, 
but  not  until  long  after  the  conquest  was  achieved.  There 
were  so  many  difficulties  about  the  money  that  in  his  will 
Quesada  left  specific  directions  as  to  this  same  oratory. 
A  mass  was  to  be  sung  on  every  Saturday  for  the  repose  of 
all  the  conquerors,  either  alive  or  dead,^  throughout  the 
period  of  Lent.  At  it  there  was  to  be  a  sermon^  and  a 
responsory,  also  a  mass  of  requiem  on  the  day  when  any 
conqueror  died.  In  addition  to  all  this,  there  were  to  be 
masses  for  the  soul  of  every  Indian  chief  who  died  during 
the  conquest.  Quesada  would,  without  doubt,  have  given 
many  masses  to  undo  his  cruelty  or  weakness  in  the  matter 
of  the  death  of  Sagipa,  for  Piedrahita,  quoting  from  the  now 
lost  writings  of  Quesada,  says  he  regretted  bitterly^  what  he 

1  "  Antes  que  el  oro  y  las  esmeraldas  que  les  habiaii  tocado  £  los 
soldados,  fuesen  a  sujetarse  a  la  suerte  del  dado  y  naipe  ":  Fray 
Simon. 

2  February,  1579.  ^  Capellania.  *  Vivos  y  difuntos. 
*  "  Con  sermon  y  response. "     Quesada  wrote  a  book  of  sermons 

for  the  chapel. 

^  "  Entonces  los  Espanoles  le  pedian  ahincadamente  que  le  torna- 
sen  de  nuevo  a  reiterar  los  tormentos  pedido  con  tanta  porfia  que  el 
Licenciado  (Quesada)  se  les  entrego  .  .  .  y  quien  leyere  este  suceso 
en  el  Compendio  Historial  que  escribio  el  mismo  Adelantado  [by 
that  time  Quesada  had  been  made  Adelantado  of  New  Granada] 
tendra  bien  que  lastimarse  del  sentimiento  y  dolor  con  que  confiesa 
haber  cooperado  en  la  injusticia  con  el  fin  de  complacer  a  su  gente." 
"  El  Compendio  Historial  "  was  a  history  of  the  conquest  written  by 
Quesada.      It  is  now  lost,  but  existed  in  Piedrahita's  time. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  155 

had  done.  It  appears  that  Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas, 
although  a  moving  preacher,  was  not  an  exemplary  character. 
Quesada  says  of  him  in  his  will  that  it  was  rumoured  that 
El  Padre  de  las  Casas  had  kept^  the  money  for  himself. 
He  goes  on  to  say  that  the  said  friar  had  gone  to  Italy  in  an 
indecent^  habit.  Whether  he  took  the  money  or  no,  it 
clearly  was  not  forthcoming  at  the  time  Quesada  made 
his  will,  for  he  devotes  a  portion  of  his  own  estate  to  found 
the  oratory. 

Before  he  returned  to  Spain,  Quesada  was  determined  to 
found  a  city  on  the  Sabana  of  Bogota. 

He  did  not  know  that  the  Adelantado  Lugo  of  Santa 
Marta  was  dead,  therefore  he  determined  to  say  nothing  of 
his  projected  voyage  to  Spain.  He  intended,  according  to 
excerpts  from  his  lost  "  Compendio  Historial,"  quoted  by 
Herrera  and  Piedrahita,  to  take  all  the  gold  and  emeralds 
he  had  collected  with  him,  knowing  that  at  court  no  suitor 
thrives  without  a  bag  of  gold  to  back  his  claims.  By  all 
the  rules  of  fairness,  he  ought  to  have  informed  the  Adelan- 
tado, his  superior,  seeing  that  he  it  was  who  fitted  out  the 
expedition.  Still,  he  only  followed  the  example  of  Cortes, 
who  returned  home  to  Spain  to  ask  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
to  confirm  him  in  his  generalship  of  Mexico,  without 
informing  Velazquez,  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  who  had  sent 
him  to  explore. 

In  the  case  of  Cortes  there  was  more  excuse  for  his  be- 
haviour, for  Velazquez  repented  of  his  choice,  and  tried  to 
thwart  Cortes  throughout  the  conquest.  The  Adelantado 
Lugo,  on  the  contrary,  treated  Quesada  most  loyally,  and 
it  is  little  to  his  credit  that  he  should  have  thought  of 
slipping  off  to  Spain  upon  the  sly.  Fate  was  upon  his  side 
on  this  occasion,  and  the  mean  action  remained  without 
completion,  for  in  the  year  that  had  elapsed  since  Quesada 
parted  from  Lugo  he  had  died,  leaving  his  son  Alonso  to 
become  Quesada's  evil  genius  when  he  arrived  in  Spain. 

1  Habia  quedado  con  el  oro. 

2  "En  habito  indecente."  Clearly  Fray  Domingo  seems  to  have 
been  "  un  abate  danzante." 


156  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Above  all  things  it  was  expedient  for  Quesada  to  lose  no 
time  in  founding  a  city,  so  that  upon  arrival  at  the  Spanish 
court  he  should  be  able  to  point  out,  that  besides  conquering 
the  country,  he  had  done  something  tangible  towards 
settling  it. 

At  once  he  set  about  to  choose  a  site,  and  after  hesitating 
for  a  little  as  to  whether  he  should  build  at  Tunja,  he  deter- 
mined on  the  site  of  the  old  Indian  town  of  Muequeta  that 
to-day  bears  the  name  of  Bogota.  Many  things  influenced 
him  in  his  choice.  In  the  first  place  it  had  been  the  capital 
of  the  Zipas  (kings)  of  the  Chibchas,  and  thus  enjoyed  a 
prestige  with  the  Indians  that  a  new  city  would  have  lacked. 
Then  the  situation  was  incomparable.  Backed  by  its 
mountains  that  rise  up  behind  it  from  the  plain  much  in 
the  same  shape  that  Gibraltar  rises  from  the  sea,  crossed 
by  a  river,  that  rushes  from  the  hills,  giving  to  some  of  the 
side  streets  a  strangely  rustic  look,  the  city  looks  out  over 
the  Sabana,  bounded,  but  in  the  far  distance,  by  the  sierras 
above  Facatativa. 

At  sunrise,  or  on  fine  evenings,  the  distant  peaks  of 
El  Ruiz  and  El  Nevado  de  Tolima,  running  up  to  seventeen 
or  eighteen  thousand  feet  in  height,  are  tinged  with  rose 
colour,  when  the  rising  or  the  setting  sun  falls  on  their 
eternal  snowfields;  during  the  day,  they  stand  like  sentinels. 
The  actual  place  where  he  determined  to  erect  his  capital 
was  at  the  village  called  Teusaquilla,  that,  in  the  Indian 
kingdom,  had  been  a  summer  residence  not  far  from 
Muequeta.  A  council  was  assembled  at  which  all  the 
captains  gave  their  opinions  upon  the  site.  Their  decision  was 
unanimous,  to  build  the  city  on  the  site  it  occupies  to-day. 

Stone  was  abundant  in  the  hills  for  building,  the  air  was 
good,  the  water  excellent.  Thus,  there  were  all  the  re- 
quisites but  one,  that  Spaniards  of  those  days  most  looked 
for  in  their  towns.  Good  bells^  were  lacking.  They  came 
in  season,  and  no  one  can  deny  but  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Bogota  still  make  good  use  of  them. 

1  The  Spanish  adage  runs:  "  Buen  aire,  buenas  aguas  y  buenas 
campanas." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  157 

There  was  another  aspect  of  the  situation  that  may 
have  weighed  both  with  Quesada  and  his  captains.  It  was 
easity  defensible — in  fact,  before  artillery  developed, 
practical^  impregnable. 

Having  come  to  a  decision,  Quesada  mustered  all  his 
captains  and  his  soldiers,  and  getting  off  his  horse  tore  up 
a  tuft  of  grass.  Then,  placing  his  right  foot  on  the  bare 
ground,  he  said,  "  I  take  possession  of  the  land,  in  the  name 
of  the  most  serene  Emperor  Charles  V."  Then  he  re- 
mounted, and,  drawing  his  sword,  challenged  anyone  to 
deny  his  right,  offering  to  uphold  it,  either  on  horseback  or 
on  foot.  He  then  sheathed  his  sword,  and  told  the  notary 
of  the  army^  to  draw  him  up  a  deed  of  confirmation  before 
witnesses.  This  done,  he  marked  out  the  sites  for  twelve 
straw  huts,  for  it  was  his  intention  at  that  time  to  leave  only 
a  detachment  in  his  new-founded  city,  and  take  the  bulk  of 
his  men  with  him  as  a  bodyguard  to  Cartagena,  where  he 
proposed  to  find  a  ship  for  Spain. 

The  huts  were  built  of  canes  by  the  Indians  of  the  place, 
for  by  the  virtue  of  their  conquest  all  the  soldiers  had  become 
gentlemen,  and  none  cared  overmuch  to  work.  The  roofs 
were  thatched  either  with  straw  or  palm-leaves,  or  with 
reeds  cut  on  the  river  bank. 

Tradition  has  it  that  Quesada  built  twelve  huts  to  typify 
the  twelve  apostles.  He  did  not  forget  to  leave  a  space  in  the 
middle  of  the  huts  to  build  a  church  upon.  On  the  site  of 
the  humble  church  they  subsequently  built,  of  the  same 
materials  as  the  huts,  stands  the  cathedral  of  Bogota. 

Fray  Simon  makes  the  date  of  the  foundation  the  month 
of  August,  1538,  but  Castellanos,  Piedrahita,  and  some 
others  of  the  chroniclers  fix  it  at  1539. 

Thus  Bogota,  like  Rome,  rose  from  a  cluster  of  mere  huts 
to  be  a  city.  There  the  resemblance  ended,  for  Bogota  did 
not  become  the  Rome  of  South  America,  but  its  Athens, 
a  title  for  just  pride. 

It  was  now  five  months  since  Quesada  had  entered 
the  Sabana  of  Bogota:  five  most  eventful  months,  during 
1  El  Escribano  del  Ejercito. 


158  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

whose  course  he  had  made  his  name  for  ever,  and  un- 
luckily for  his  fair  fame  had  left  an  indelible  blot  upon  his 
memory. 

Being  a  native  of  Granada,  or  at  least  having  passed  his 
youth  and  early  manhood  in  that  city,  he  gave  the  name 
of  New  Granada  to  the  country  he  had  discovered  and  had 
subjugated.  There  is  a  certain  look  of  Granada  about 
Bogota;  not  very  strong,  but  perhaps  sufficient  for  a 
conqueror  upon  foundation  day. 

The  city  does  not  stand  upon  a  rocky  height  overhanging 
a  deep  river  bed  as  does  Granada;  but  it  looks  out  over  a 
fertile  plain,  and  El  Ruiz  may  well  be  set  against  Mulhacen. 
Both  mountains  are  snow-capped,  and  both  are  features  in 
the  view.  The  hill  of  Suba  is  not  unlike  Monte  Elvira 
behind  Granada,  and  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  built  by  the 
Catholic  kings  during  the  siege,  has  an  identical  position 
with  the  town  of  Fontibon. 

Colonel  Acosta^  sees  an  exact  resemblance  between  the 
hill  of  Suacha  and  the  hill  known  at  Granada  as  the  "  Last 
Sigh  of  the  Moor."  Both  cities  enjoy  incomparable 
panoramas,  over  the  Vega  in  one  case,  and  the  Sabana  in  the 
other.  Bogota,  like  Granada,  has  a  temperate  climate,  and 
in  both  places  roses  and  pinks,  carnations,  jasmines,  and 
all  the  flowers  of  Northern  and  of  Southern  Europe  bloom 
extravagantly.  The  natural  vegetation  is  not  much  dis- 
similar, for  in  both  climates,  oaks,  elms,  and  ashes  flourish, 
and  blackberries,  mint,  thyme,  sage,  and  pennyroyal  all 
grow  wild,  or  at  the  least  in  Bogota  have  become  wild,  after 
having  been  introduced  from  Spain. 

The  day  of  foundation  was  "  El  Dia  de  la  Transfiguracion,"^ 
called  by  the  vulgar  the  Feast  of  Christ. 

The  Spaniards  of  those  days,  who  to  the  time  of  Charles  V. 
had  had  perhaps  the  freest  constitution  of  all  Europe, 
enjoying  privileges  under  their  laws  unknown  in  any  other 
country,  still  held  tenaciously  to  legal  fonns. 

^  P.  242. 

»  "  El  Dia  de  la  Transfiguracion,  que  el  vulgo  llaman  la  Fiesta  de 
San  Salvador  ":  Fray  Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  159 

The  very  soldiers  who  had  submitted  to  the  authority 
of  Quesada  without  a  murmur,  were  now  the  first  to  demand 
a  municipality  for  the  new-founded  town.  For  all  that, 
Quesada  did  not  at  once  establish  any  legal  administration. 
He  named  no  magistrates,  with  power  of  "  knife^  and  gallows," 
and  the  rest  of  the  matters  that  are  important  for  the  ruling 
of  a  state.  Neither  did  he  appoint  a  parish  priest,  leaving 
all  these  matters  to  be  settled  till  his  return  from  Spain,  not 
thinking  he  would  be  twelve  years  absent  from  his  new- 
founded  town. 

The  first  mass  was  celebrated  in  Bogota  upon  the  6th  of 
August,  1538;  it  is  not  known  with  accuracy  by  which  of 
the  two  friars  who  had  shared  all  the  dangers  and  the  hard- 
ships of  the  adventurous  year.  Quesada's  first  house  is 
supposed  to  have  occupied  the  site  of  the  little  Plaza  de  las 
Nieves  in  the  modern  Bogota. 

The  conquest  was  now  over,  and  the  seal  of  the  Spanish 
possession  set  upon  the  land  by  the  foundation  of  the  town. 
For  the  present  nothing  further  was  done  towards  the 
evangelization  of  the  Indians,  and  their  souls  apparently 
were  left  in  jeopardy.  No  voluntary  conversion  seems  to 
have  taken  place  after  that  of  the  Cacique  of  Suba, 

All  appears  to  have  been  quiet,  when  suddenly  an  incident 
occurred  that  touched  Quesada  on  his  weakest  side,  but 
in  the  end  turned  out  most  fortunately  for  him.  All  through 
his  military  career  he  had  shown  himself  extremely  jealous 
of  the  least  encroachment  on  his  authority.  News  was 
brought  to  him  that  in  the  country  of  the  Laches^  there  was 
a  temple,  known  as  La  Casa  del  Sol,  richer  by  far  than  either 
that  of  Sogamoso  or  of  Tunja. 

The  soldiers,  always  ready  to  believe  all  stories  of  the  kind, 
besought  Quesada  earnestly  to  stay,  and  before  undertaking 
his  journey  back  to  Spain,  lead  them  to  plunder  it.  They 
said  they  had  heard  the  temple  was  so  full  of  gold,  that  the 

1  "  No  nombro  sin  embargo  el  General  Quesada  j  usticia  ni  regidores, 
ni  establecio  horca  ni  cuchillo  ni  las  demas  cosas  importantes  al 
gobierno  de  una  ciudad  ":  Fray  Simon. 

2  This  tribe  had  its  territory  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Magdalena, 
in  La  Tierra  Caliente. 


i6o  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  OUESADA 

riches  either  of  Crassus  or  of  Croesus^  were  as  nothing  to  it. 
Either  there  was  some  tincture  of  the  humanities  amongst 
his  men,  or  else  it  was  the  voice  of  the  Italian  soldier  who 
had  thouglit  the  conquering  donkey  Marobare  was  an 
Olympian  bird.  Quesada  did  not  want  much  urging  upon 
such  a  quest .  At  once  he  determined  to  attempt  the  capture 
of  the  place.  Had  he  but  reflected,  he  might  have  known 
that  to  look  for  a  golden  temple  on  the  Magdalena  was  a  fool's 
errand,  for  any  riches  he  had  found  were  on  the  plains  of 
Bogota.  He  was  preparing  for  a  start;  but  fate  had  other 
things  in  store  for  him. 

At  the  very  moment  of  his  departure,  rumours  reached  him 
that  Captain  Lazaro  Fonte  had  declared  that  on  his  arrival 
at  Cartagena  he  would  denounce  Quesada  for  having 
concealed  valuable  emeralds  that  should  have  gone  into 
the  royal  fifth. 

Nothing  was  better  calculated  to  lash  Quesada  into  fury, 
for  as  regards  the  royal  fifth  he  had  been,  and  was,  during 
the  whole  course  of  his  life,  most  scrupulously  exact.  So 
much  he  prided  himself  on  his  exactitude  in  this  respect, 
knowing  that  many  of  the  conquerors  had  acted  differently, 
that  in  his  will  he  put  a  clause  to  testify  that  the  king  had 
never  lost  a  dollar  of  his  dues  by  any  fault  of  his.  This 
statement  is  the  more  credible  by  the  general  uprightness 
of  his  character,  and  his  high  standing  with  those  who  knew 
him  best.  When  the  rumour  reached  his  ears,  Quesada 
instantly  put  off  his  journey  home,  for  in  all  things  that 
touched  his  honour  he  was  most  ticklish.  All  might  have 
passed  off  smoothly,  for  Captain  Fonte  was  the  soul  of 
loyalty  towards  Quesada,  as  events  very  shortly  showed; 
but  most  unluckily  an  Indian,  either  from  spite  or  from  some 
other  cause,  appeared  and  made  a  countercharge.  He 
accused  Captain  Fonte  of  having  bought  emeralds  from  him 
and  kept  them  for  himself.  Quesada  instantly  had  Fonte 
brought  before  him,  and  after  charging  him  with  conspiring 
to  defraud  the  king,  he  sentenced  him  to  death.     It  was  hard 

*  "  Mientras  se  quedaban  las  riquezas  de  Crasso  y  de  Creso  " :  Fray- 
Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  i6i 

justice,  even  supposing  that  the  charge  was  true,  for  Fonte 
all  through  the  expedition  had  been  the  first  in  any  peril, 
and  exposed  his  life  to  countless  dangers  in  the  service  of 
the  king.  Great  was  the  amazement  and  the  indignation  of 
the  soldiers,  for  all  loved^  Fonte  for  his  frank  character  and 
for  his  bravery.  It  may  be,  too,  that  his  great  prowess  as  a 
horseman  endeared  him  to  them,  for  to  the  horsemen  (after 
God)  they  owed  the  riches  they  had  won. 

The  soldiers,  headed  by  the  other  captains,  besought 
Quesada  earnestly  to  revoke  the  penalty  and  to  spare 
Captain  Fonte's  life.  Although  alone,  and  without  force 
to  carry  out  his  sentence,  he  was  inexorable.  No  one  except 
a  priest  can  be  so  much  unmoved  by  mere  humanity,  as  is 
a  lawyer,  when  the  majesty  of  law  is  touched.  Captain 
Gonzalo  Suarez  then  took  up  his  parable,  appealing  to  their 
general's  generosity  and  sense  of  justice,  that,  as  he  said, 
had  never  been  at  fault. ^  Then  he  recounted  all  Fonte's 
services,  and  said  both  officers  and  soldiers  loved  and 
respected  him.  "  Let  not,"  he  said,  "  your  sense  of  justice  be 
overclouded  by  a  feeling  of  resentment  at  the  false  tales  of 
lying^  Indians.  We  know  they  have  said  he  has  attacked 
your  honour.  This  our  comrade  denies,  and  we  believe 
his  word.  Even  supposing  he  has  sinned,  the  circumstances 
are  exceptional.  We  are  far  from  Spain  and  cannot  get 
recruits;  and  Captain  Fonte  is  one  of  the  best  soldiers  that 
you  have ;  why  sacrifice  so  good  a  soldier  for  a  mere  trumped- 
up  tale  ?  General,  spare  him,  we  all  implore  you  on  our 
knees." 

Quesada  would  have  been  more  than  human,  situated  as 
he  was,  to  disregard  so  moving  and  so  well-reasoned  an 
appeal.     He  yielded  none  too  willingly  nor  too  generously, 

1  Captain  Suarez  seems  to  have  forgotten  the  case  of  Sagipa,  but 
then  he  was  a  "  native." 

2  That  the  Spaniards  thought  the  Indians  great  liars  is  evident 
from  an  extract  from  a  MS.  in  "El  Archivo  Historico  Nacional," 
Madrid  (Papeles  de  Indias) :  "  Es  gente  muy  perdida  por  cantar  y 
bailar  a  su  mode  .  .  .  es  gente  muy  mentirosa  como  toda  la  otra 
gente  de  Indias  que  nunca  saben  decir  verdad  " — a  common  fault  in 
a  conquered  race. 

II 


i62  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

showing  more  of  the  lawyer  than  of  the  soldier,  in  his  reply 
to  the  appeal.  Quesada  had,  like  other  men,  the  defects 
of  his  good  qualities.  His  resolution  was  adamant,  for 
none  but  a  man  sure  of  himself  and  certain  of  his  authority 
could  have  ventured  to  proceed  so  far,  against  a  man  loved 
and  respected  as  was  Fonte,  without  even  the  formality  of 
trial.  This  time  his  indomitable  will  betrayed  him  into  a 
serious  error,  and  showed  his  character  in  an  unenviable 
light.  It  was  the  moment  to  have  yielded  gracefully  and 
taken  Fonte  into  favour — an  act  that  would  have  endeared 
him  to  his  followers.  Instead  of  that,  he  spared  his  life, 
but  banished  him  to  Pasca,  an  Indian  town  that  was  not 
properly  subdued. 

The  decision  was  not  pleasing  to  his  captains,  for  they 
saw  that  to  send  a  man  unarmed  into  a  hostile  town  was 
to  condemn  him  almost  certainly  to  death.  The  captains 
did  not  actively  protest,  so  great  was  the  ascendancy 
Quesada  wielded  over  them.  However,  they  made  a  strong 
moral  protest  that  Quesada  evidently  had  no  power  to 
prevent. 

Next  morning,  when  poor  Fonte  was  preparing,  quite 
unarmed — for  by  a  refinement  of  harshness  he  was  not 
allowed  to  take  arms  with  him — to  set  out  on  his  exile, 
twenty-four  horsemen^  mounted  and  escorted  him.  It  must 
have  been  bitter  for  Quesada  to  see  the  flower  of  his  followers 
all  mounted  and  well-armed  turned  out  to  escort  the  man 
he  had  sent  into  banishment. 

Besides  the  horsemen,  he  had  one  admirer,  an  Indian  girl, 
who  bravely  offered  to  accompany  him.  To  this  girl 
Lazaro  Fonte  owed  his  life,  as  Piedrahita  says,  most  justly 
in  this  case,  under  God's  providence.  Who  the  girl  was 
is  quite  uncertain,  though  writers  in  Colombia  have  given 
her  the  name  of  Zoratama,  and  built  up  quite  a  legend  round 
her,  giving  her  children  by  the  man  she  saved.  Perhaps 
she  had  been  taken  by  his  skill  in  horsemanship,  as  he  was 
the  best  of  all  the  Spanish  riders  in  Quesada's  host,  or,  what 
is  still  more  probable,  by  his  youth  and  gallantry. 
^  Veinte  cuatro  de  a  caballo. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  163 

When  the  band  of  horsemen,  bearing  Fonte  in  their  midst, 
came  to  the  town  of  Pasca,  the  Indians  fled  into  the  woods. 
In  the  deserted  town  Fonte  was  left  alone,  unarmed,  but 
with  the  Indian  girl  to  keep  him  company.  The  twenty- 
four^  departed  weeping,^  thinking  him  as  good  as  buried,  as 
Piedrahita  says.  He  passed  the  night  in  prayer,  consoled 
but  by  his  faith  in  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  by  the  broken 
phrases^  of  the  poor  Indian  girl. 

At  last,  let  the  plan  have  come  from  one  or  other  of  them, 
the  Indian  it  was  who  saved  her  master,  and  in  the  following 
way.^ 

As  soon  as  it  was  light  the  Indian  girl  dressed  herself  up 
in  her  best  finery  to  look  as  if  she  had  been  a  Chibcha 
princess,  with  necklace,  bracelets  of  beads,  and  feather 
diadem.  Thus  attired,  and  with  the  natural  grace  and  air 
that  she  possessed,^  she  was  prepared  to  meet  the  Chief  of 
Pasca  when  he  returned.  The  simple  Churchman*^  who 
chronicles  the  episode  would  not  have  been  astonished  at  the 
plan,  "  had  not  the  Indian  girl  been  an  infidel,'  for  after  all 
it  was  the  same  stratagem  that  occurred  to  Esther,  to  placate 
the  wrath  of  King  Ahasuerus  in  the  Scriptures."  Fidelity, 
or  infidelity,  except  in  regard  to  Captain  Fonte,  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  what  actuated  the  Indian  heroine. 

At  the  first  streaks  of  dawn  the  Indians  by  twos  and  threes 
began  to  straggle  back  into  the  town.  With  what  interior 
tremors  the  strangely  assorted  pair,  the  sole  inhabitants 
of  the  deserted  place,  regarded  them,  can  be  imagined  easily 
enough.  The  Indians  on  their  side,  seeing  a  princess 
(cacica)  from  Bogota,  stood  still,  not  daring  to  advance. 

The  Indian  Esther  instantly  addressed  them,  saying, 
"  Come  into  your  town,  my  friends,  we  are  not  enemies. 
This  Spaniard  is  a  good  man,  so  good  that  he  detests  all 

1  Los  veinte  cuatro.  2  Con  lagrimas. 

3  Las  mal  contadas  razones  que  le  dio  la  India. 
*  "  A  fin  saliese  la  traza  de  lo  uno  6  de  lo  otro,  la  India  la  tuv6 
para  librar  a  su  amo  de  esta  manera":  Fray  Simon. 

6  Que  con  esto  y  el  buen  cuerpo  y  buen  natural  que  tenia. 
8  Fray  Simon. 

7  Si  esta  India  no  fuese  infill. 


i64  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

war.*  On  this  account  his  chief  wanted  to  kill  him.  He 
has  been  exiled  to  this  town,  and  now  eisks  me  to  say  that 
he  trusts  to  your  generosity."  The  girl's  words  made  a  great 
impression  on  the  Indians.  She  was  of  a  good  figure  and 
well-graced  person,  qualities  that  quite  as  often  carry  con- 
viction with  them,  as  do  mere  arguments.  The  chief,  through 
the  medium  of  the  girl,  who  knew  a  little  Spanish,^  said, 
"  Captain,  Son  of  the  Sun,  be  of  good  cheer.  We  know  the 
reason  of  your  coming.  Therefore,  consider  this  your  home, 
and  ask  for  anything  that  is  in  our  power  to  give." 

The  story  reflects  credit  on  all  concerned.  The  simple 
love  and  ready  wit  of  the  Indian  girF  were  only  matched 
by  the  generosity  of  the  Chief  of  Pasca,  who,  having  got 
one  of  his  enemies  into  his  hands,  treated  him  as  a  son. 

Whilst  Fonte  and  his  Indian  "  Esther  "  lived  out  their 
involuntary  idyll  in  the  town  of  Pasca,  a  meeting,  stranger 
than  anything  of  the  same  kind  that  history  records,  was 
to  take  place  by  a  concatenation  of  hardly  possible  events, 
upon  the  plains  of  Bogota. 

1  It  seems  a  little  difficult  to  look  at  Lazaro  Fonte  as  a  pacifist. 

2  Era  algo  lad  ina  de  nuestra  lengua. 

3  There  are  many  instances  of  Spaniards  having  been  saved  and 
assisted  by  Indian  women,  preserved  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest. 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  has  told  the  loves  of  Cortes  and  La  Malinche, 
the  Indian  princess  who  acted  as  his  interpreter,  and  to  whom  he 
owed  so  much  {"  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva 
Espana,"  por  el  Capitan  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo).  There  is  also 
a  moving  story  in  the  "  Comentarios  Reales  "  of  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  (p.  2  lo) ,  of  the  fidelity  of  an  Indian  girl  at  the  battle  of  Huarina, 
in  the  war  of  the  Pizarros:  "  Entre  los  cuales  a  poco  mas  de  un 
quarto  de  legua  del  Real  alcango  un  Espaiiol  herido  que  iba  sobre  un 
Rocinejo  de  poca  cuenta,  y  entre  otras  heridas,  llevava  una  encima 
del  Rinon  derecho,  iba  cavallero  echado  sobre  el  percuezo  del  Rocin, 
porque  no  podia  ir  enhiesto.  Una  India  de  su  servicio  iba  con  el 
a  pie,  llevava  la  mano  izquierda  en  la  herida  de  su  Seiior,  y  en  la 
derecha  un  palillo,  con  que  iba  aguijando  el  Rocin,  y  decia  d  su  amo, 
'  Esfuercate  Senor  d  huir  destos  traidores  y  no  temas  que  yo  te 
deje  hasta  verte  sano.'  " 


CHAPTER  XIII 

At  the  time  of  Quesada's  expedition^  Sebastian  de  Belal- 
cazar  was  governor  for  Pizarro  at  Quito,  a  city  that  he 
himself  had  founded  in  1534.^ 

Belalcazar  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  all  the 
conquerors.  His  life  was  like  a  fairy-tale.  It  is  not  known 
with  certainty  what  his  original  surname  was;  but  his 
Christian  name  was  Sebastian,  All  that  is  known  of  his 
early  life  is  that  he  was  born  at  the  little  town  of  Belalcazar 
in  Estremadura,  that  nursery  of  the  conquerors.  His  father 
was  a  woodman,  and  the  young  Sebastian  used  to  be  sent 
to  sell  wood,  that  was  loaded  on  a  donkey,  about  the  little 
town.  One  day  the  ass  stuck  in  a  mud  hole,  and  Sebastian 
struck  him  on  the  head  with  a  stick  and  killed  him  instantly. 
Being  afraid  to  return  home,  he  went  to  Cadiz,  arriving  there 
in  the  year  15 14,  and  shipped  abroad  the  fleet  that  the 
celebrated  Pedrarias  Davila  was  fitting  out  to  take  him 
to  his  government  of  Panama.  Sebastian,  who  must  have 
been  about  fourteen  at  the  time,  for  he  was  not  quite  seventy 
when  he  died  in  1550,  refused  to  give  his  name  or  had 
forgotten  it.  His  comrades,  therefore,  called  him  Sebastian 
de  Belalcazar,^  and  by  that  name  he  became  famous,  ,both 
in  New  Granada  and  Peru.  Almost  as  soon  as  he  arrived  in 
Panama  he  had  the  opportunity  to  show  his  worth. 

Being  upon  an  expedition  with  Pedrarias  Davila,  they 
lost  their  way  in  one  of  the  great,  virgin  forests  in  which 

^  1538-9- 

2  It  had  been,  of  course,  an  Inca  capital,  but  Belalcazar  had  founded 
a  Spanish  city  there. 

3  The  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  says  of  him:  "  Sebastian  de 
Belalcazar  de  su  alcuna  se  llamaba  Moyana,  tomo  el  nombre  de  la 
Patria,  por  ser  mas  famoso "  ("  Comentarios  Reales  del  Peru," 
Madrid,  1722). 

165 


i66  (iONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

the  istlimus  still  abounds.  Provisions  were  exhausted, 
and  though  Pedrarias  set  several  soldiers  to  climb  high  trees 
to  see  if  they  could  find  a  landmark  by  which  to  steer  them- 
selves out  of  the  labyrinth,  they  could  see  nothing.  Despair 
was  settling  on  them,  when  the  young  Sebastian  from  a 
treetop  saw  a  thin  smoke  in  the  far  distance,  invisible  to 
any  eyes  but  his.  He  led  the  expedition  towards  it,  and 
it  proved  to  have  been  the  camp  fire  of  some  Indians,  who 
showed  them  the  way  home.  As  in  the  Indians'  camp  there 
was  some  gold,  Pedrarias  adjudged  this  to  Sebastian  for  his 
services.  He  refused  it,  saying  he  had  but  done  his  duty, 
and  as  all  had  suffered  equally,  all  should  share  in  the  gold. 
From  that  day  he  began  to  make  his  mark.  He  became 
a  friend  both  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro ;  was  sent  to  Nicaragua 
by  Pedrarias  Davila,  and  helped  to  found  the  city  of  Leon, 
and  was  its  first  Alcalde  for  a  year  or  two.  Tiring  of  a  quiet 
life,  he  went  with  some  companions  to  Peru.  There  he  rose 
high  in  the  service  of  Francisco  Pizarro,  who  sent  him  as 
his  lieutenant  to  Quito  to  found  a  capital.  When  there 
he  seems  to  have  made  himself  quite  independent  of  Pizarro, 
conquering  new  territories,  and  much  loved  and  respected 
by  his  soldiers,  for  he  was  courteous  with  everyone  and, 
above  all,  disinterested  in  money  matters,  a  rare  thing  in 
those  times.  Of  middle  stature,  but  well  proportioned, 
Belalcazar  had  an  expressive  face,  small  eyes,  and  kindly 
aspect,  though  on  occasions^  he  could  show  severity  if  it  was 
required. 

To  this  notable  captain  in  his  government  of  Quito,  where 
he  lived  in  considerable  state  and  splendour,  one  day  an 
Indian  presented  himself  with  the  kind  of  tale  no  con- 
quistador ever  could  resist.  It  was  the  story  of  El  Dorado 
(The  Golden  Man),  but  mixed  up  with  another  of  a  golden 
city,  the  Indian  who  brought  it  having  seen  the  ceremony 
of  the  gold-anointed  chief  plunging  into  the  Lake  of  Guata- 

^  "  Fu6  Belalcazar  mediano  de  cuerpo  pero  bien  proporciando, 
de  ojos  pequenos,  rostro  expresivo  pero  mostrando  en  ocasiones  la 
severidad  que  era  menester":  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva 
Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  373. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  167 

vita  in  his  youth.     In  the  years  he  had  been  wandering  from 
tribe  to  tribe,  he  had  added  to  and  adorned  his  tale. 

Belalcazar,  although  he  was  well  established  in  Peru,  the 
richest  country  in  those  days,  of  the  Americas,  at  once  sent 
out  Captain  Ampudia  to  prepare  the  way.  Ampudia  started 
from  Quito,  marched  to  Pasto,  and  from  there  to  Popayan.^ 
From  Popayan  he  went  to  Cali,  where  Belalcazar  overtook 
him  with  a  well-appointed  expedition,  well  mounted  and 
well  armed. 

Belalcazar  did  not  approve  the  site  Captain  Ampudia 
had  selected  for  a  new  town,  and  ordered  it  to  be  abandoned, 
and  pushed  on  rapidly  towards  the  land  of  the  gold  temples 
and  the  Golden  Chief.  He  found  the  difficulties  in  front  of 
him  so  great  that  he  determined  to  return  to  Quito  and 
render  an  account  of  all  that  he  had  seen  to  Francisco 
Pizarro,  his  superior  in  command.  Before  he  started,  he 
founded  Popayan  and  Cali,  choosing  a  better  site  for  the 
latter  than  that  Ampudia  had  marked  out.  Pizarro  con- 
firmed him  in  his  office  of  Governor  of  Quito ;  but  Belalcazar 
made  up  his  mind  to  return  secretly  to  Spain,  and  get  him- 
self made  Governor  of  Popayan.  After  a  year  or  two  he 
again  set  out  for  the  land  of  El  Dorado,  and  in  due  course 
arrived  at  Neiva.  There  he  marched  down  the  Magdalena 
to  a  place  called  Fortabecillas,^  and  learned  from  the  Indians 
that  other  Spaniards  had  been  there  before  him,  but  had 
now  gone  away. 

News  was  soon  brought  to  Quesada  in  his  new  town  of 
Bogota,  by  a  friendly  Indian,  of  the  arrival  of  his  country- 
men. The  Indian  told  him  that  the  newcomers  were  far 
better  dressed  and  armed  than  he  was  and  far  more  numerous. 
What  Quesada  thought  can  be  imagined  easily.  His  troops 
were  few,  his  powder  had  run  out,  his  crossbowmen  were 
short  of  bolts,  his  men  without  defensive  armour,  and  his 

^  Pasto  and  Popayan  are  two  old  towns  in  Colombia,  very  clerical 
in  their  aspect.  The  latter  has  given  rise  to  the  Colombian  proverb, 
"  Todo  el  mundo  es  Popayan,"  meaning  the  world  is  much  the  same 
everywhere. 

2  The  name  is  so  curious  that  it  may  very  likely  be  a  mistake 
or  a  misprint. 


i68  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

position  insecure.  Of  one  thing  he  was  sure,  of  the  fidelity 
of  all  his  followers.  They  all  were  men  accustomed  to  face 
odds,  immune  to  every  climate,  and  had  made  friends  amongst 
the  Indians  on  whom  they  could  rely. 

Honour  demanded  that  he  should  return  to  Santa  Marta. 
Interest  summoned  him  to  Spain  to  secure  a  grant  of  all 
the  country  he  had  conquered  and  explored.  Belalcazar's 
coming  disarranged  his  plans.  He  was  not  long  in  making 
up  his  mind,  but  sent  his  brother  Hernan  Perez,  with 
Captains  Cespedes  and  Colmenares,  to  see  how  the  land  lay. 
As  they  marched  onwards  to  Neiva,  their  Indian  guide 
picked  up  some  arrows  by  the  way,  and,  showing  them  to 
Hernan  Perez,  said,  "  These  are  Peruvian  arrows,  and  quite 
unlike  to  those  we  use."  This  made  the  captains  cautious, 
and  just  outside  the  camp  they  hid  themselves  in  a  thick 
cane-brake  beside  a  river's  bank.  As  they  lay  hidden  in  the 
canes,  one  of  the  scouts  of  Belalcazar's  army  rode  up  care- 
lessly. His  horse  saw  better  than  himself,  or  perhaps  smelt 
the  other  horses  hidden  amongst  the  reeds.  He  snorted 
violently,  reared,  and  set  off  towards  the  camp,  his  rider 
shouting  as  he  rode,  "  To  arms,  the  enemy  is  here !" 
Captains  Cespedes  and  Colmenares,  seeing  they  were  dis- 
covered, rode  boldly  towards  the  Peruvian  camp.  Belal- 
cazar  sent  out  a  band  of  horsemen  to  meet  the  band  of 
twenty  that  he  saw  advancing,  as  it  were,  from  the  clouds. 
Not  having  any  warning  of  their  coming,  he  not  unnaturall}^ 
took  them  for  enemies. 

The  opposing  horsemen  drew  up  some  twenty  paces  from 
each  other  and  exchanged  salutes.  Then,  after  explanations, 
the  leader  of  the  Peruvian  cavalry  rode  out,  and,  taking 
Captain  Colmenares  by  the  hand,  welcomed  him  cordially. 
They  all  saluted,  and  with  great  courtesies^  rode  hand  in 
hand  up  to  the  general.  He  received  them  cautiously^  and 
assigned  them  tents. 

Belalcazar  had   just   come   from   Peru,   and   under  the 
Pizarros'  rule,  faction  ran  high,  and  the  various  parties  often 
fought  furiously,  giving  scant  quarter  on  either  side.     There- 
*  Hubo  grandes  cortesias.  2  Con  gusto  sagaz. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  169 

fore,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that,  in  spite  of  his  frank 
character,  he  was  upon  his  guard,  Quesada's  captains  were 
equally  inspired  with  caution,  and  the  first  night  there  was 
but  little  sleep  throughout  the  camp. 

It  was,  indeed,  a  strange  and  fateful  meeting  in  the  wilds. 
The  war-worn  veterans  of  Quesada  must  have  been  at  least 
as  astonished  at  the  fat  horses,  plumed  helmets,  shining 
arms,  and  retinue  of  servants,  as  were  Belalcazar's  followers 
at  the  lean,  sunburnt  mummies  on  their  unkempt  horses, 
with  ropes  for  bridles  and  saddles  made  of  skins. 

Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada  and  Belalcazar  soon  made 
friends  with  one  another,  for  they  were  of  the  same  adven- 
turous breed.  Both  were  fine  soldiers,  both  respected  by 
their  men,  and  both  of  them  sanguinary  in  their  dealings 
with  the  Indians,  though  neither  was  a  religious  bigot,  as 
were  so  many  of  the  conquerors.  Belalcazar,  always  open- 
handed  and  generous,  as  all  the  chroniclers  confess  of  him, 
offered  his  new-made  friend  horses,  arms,  and  money,  and 
promised  to  furnish  a  contingent  to  assist  him  in  his  con- 
quests. Hernan  Perez  on  his  side  had  nothing  of  equal 
value  in  his  power;  but  he  gave  all  that  he  had — that  is, 
some  plates  of  gold  and  Indian  cloths.  He  invited  Belalcazar 
to  go  on  to  Bogota  to  meet  his  brother  there.  Both  chiefs 
were  naturally  a  little  cautious  as  to  their  future  movements, 
for  neither  knew  that  he  might  not  fall  into  some  ambuscade 
upon  the  road;  but  outwardly,  between  them,  all  was 
harmony. 

Some  of  the  soldiers  upon  either  side  were  not  so  cautious, 
but  talked  openly  of  a  resort  to  arms  to  settle  which  party 
should  possess  the  land,  as  each  were  conquerors.  Neither 
band  of  adventurers  seems  to  have  considered  that  the 
Indians  came  into  the  scheme  of  the  creation,  or,  if  they 
had  come,  were,  as  it  might  be,  stowaways  who  had  no  busi- 
ness on  the  ship.  These  murmurs  reached  the  ears  of 
Captain  Juan  de  Cespedes,  who  said  in  a  loud  voice: 
"  Gentlemen,  into  these  lands  that  we  have  conquered,  no 
one  shall  enter,  but  at  the  lance's  point."  Luckily  for  the 
future  peace  of  the  two  conquering  bands,  the  man  who 


I70  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

replied  to  him  was  one  Captain  Juan  Cabrera,  who,  for  a 
wonder,  for  he  was  a  man  who  had  fought  all  through  the 
wars  of  the  Pizarros  in  Peru,  answered  him  peacefully. 

"  I  hope,"  he  said,  "  this  matter  will  not  go  to  the  decision 
of  the  sword,  for  well  I  know  how  much  it  costs  to  conquer 
even  a  small  territory.  Therefore,  it  is  not  well  that  we, 
who  have  endured  such  dangers,  should  turn  our  swords 
against  each  other's  breasts."  Then,  taking  his  hat  in  hand, 
he  advanced  towards  Cespedes,  saying,  "  May  I  ask  your 
worship's  name  ?" 

Spaniards  of  those  days,  who  had  such  long  and  frequent 
dealings  with  the  Moors,  had  imbibed,  most  likely  unknown 
to  themselves,  many  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Arabs,  who, 
if  once  brought  to  parley,  but  rarely  come  to  blows.  So  it 
was  in  this  case.  The  rival  captains  braved  one  another, 
quite  in  the  Homeric  style,  and  afterwards  made  friends. 

"  I  am  called  Juan  de  Cespedes,"  said  Quesada's  captain, 
"  better  known  than  rue.^  My  name  is  known  throughout 
the  Indies,  both  by  land  and  sea." 

Cabrera,  not  to  be  outdone,  rejoined:  "  The  smell  of  rue 
has  never  reached  my  nostrils,  for  I  am  but  a  poor  captain 
known  as  Cabrera,  son  of  neglect  and  of  my  works. "'^ 

Having  thus  braved  each  other,  quite  in  Pistol's  vein, 
these  two  valiant  ancients  saluted  one  another  and  fell 
back  into  the  ranks.  The  soldiers  laughed,  and  no  doubt 
said  they  were  a  pair  of  Andalucians,  and  once  more  friend- 
ship reigned. 

For  his  part  Belalcazar  had  no  desire  to  fight,  for  he  had 
conquered  the  enormous  territory  between  Quito  and 
Popayan,  almost  without  a  blow.  He  knew  he  had  enemies 
behind  him  in  the  shape  of  the  Pizarros,  who  must  by  this 
time  be  aware  of  his  desertion  of  them,  and  it  was  no  part 
of  his  plan  to  make  new  enemies  who  might  bar  his  way  to 
Spain.     Still,  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  march  to 

^  "  Mas  conocido  que  la  ruda."  An  old  Spanish  saying  that  has 
never  been  satisfactorily  explained,  except  that  rue  is  a  common 
plant  in  the  Castiles.  The  Scotch  say  "  as  fusionless  as  a  docken  " 
with  apparently  as  little  reason. 

*  Hijo  del  olvido  y  de  mis  obras. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  171 

Bogota,  Perhaps  he  feared  to  be  attacked  upon  the  way, 
or  perhaps  thought  that  Quesada  would  make  terms  with 
him  if  he  hung  back  a  little. 

Hernan  Perez  returned  to  Bogota  to  report  all  that  had 
occurred,  and  to  take  counsel  with  his  brother  as  to  their 
next  move. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  these  two  conquerors  were 
very  cautious  of  their  dealings  with  one  another.  Spain 
was  so  far  removed  by  time  and  distance  that  the  central 
authority  was  very  slack,  and  in  most  cases  could  only 
exercise  a  moral  influence,  for  the  kings  of  Spain  had  not 
resources  to  fit  out  expeditions  to  reduce  revolting  governors. 
In  the  case  of  the  Licentiate  La  Gasca  in  Peru,  he  arrived 
without  a  single  soldier,  and  raised  an  army  solely  by  his 
own  force  of  character^  under  the  aegis  of  the  king. 

All  the  time  this  curious  and  unexpected  meeting  of 
Belalcazar  and  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada  was  taking  place, 
poor  Captain  Lazaro  Fonte  still  was  in  exile,  with  the 
Indian  girl  who  had  preserved  his  life  for  sole  companion. 
As  he  lived  quietly,  and  gave  himself  no  airs  of  being  a 

1  La  Gasca  was  a  priest  who  belonged  to  the  Inquisition.  Charles  V. 
chose  him  to  go  to  Peru  and  raise  an  army  against  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
who  had  rebelled  against  his  authorit}^  and  wished  to  separate  Peru 
from  Spain.  La  Gasca  left  Spain  almost  alone,  and  without  much 
previous  knowledge  of  aSairs,  except  what  he  had  gained  when 
employed  in  negotiation  in  the  affair  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Moriscos 
in  Granada.  The  emperor  gave  him  letters  to  all  his  governors 
to  furnish  him  with  horses,  ships,  and  men.  He  was  a  man  of  superior 
abilities,  though  of  extraordinary  appearance.  Fray  Francisco  de 
Gomara,  in  his  "  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,"  says:  "  He  was  a 
man  of  better  understanding  than  he  appeared.  He  was  very 
small  of  body,  and  of  a  strange  build.  From  the  waist  down,  he 
had  as  much  body  as  a  tall  man,  and  from  the  waist  to  the  shoulder 
not  the  third  part  of  an  ordinary  man.  On  horseback  he  appeared 
smaller  than  he  was,  for  he  was  all  legs.  His  face  was  very  ugly, 
but  Nature,  that  had  denied  him  gifts  of  body,  doubled  them  in  his 
mind."  The  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  says  of  him  ("  Comentarios 
Reales,"  lib.  v.  de  la  ii.  parte,  p.  269):  "...  sus  haganas  que 
aunque  no  fueron  de  langa  y  espada,  fueron  de  prudencia  y  consejo." 
With  these  gifts  of  prudence  and  counsel  he  utterly  defeated  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  who  was  a  brave  soldier  and  accomplished  leader,  and 
saved  Peru  for  the  emperor. 


172  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

"  conquistador,"  and  possibly  because  of  the  presence  of 
the  Indian  girl  with  him,  the  Indians  trusted  him,  and  by 
degrees  began  to  look  on  him  as  one  of  their  own  tribe. 

News  travels  quickly  amongst  the  Indians,  as  it  does 
amongst  the  Arab  tribes,  and  even  to-day  in  districts  in- 
habited by  a  purely  Indian  population,  news  seems  to  be 
carried  on  as  if  by  magic,  passing  from  tribe  to  tribe.  One 
day  an  Indian  arrived  at  the  village  where  Captain  Fonte 
lived  to  report  to  his  chief  that,  whilst  out  hunting,  he  had 
come  upon  a  band  of  Spaniards  with  dogs  and  horses,  such 
as  those  owned  by  Quesada  and  his  men.  The  Indian 
reported  that  the  Spaniards  were  all  dressed  in  skins  of 
animals,  and  that  they  were  lean  and  travel-worn.  He  said 
they  were  encamped  only  six  leagues  away. 

Lazaro  Fonte's  first  thought  was  for  Quesada's  safety,  for 
he  was  one  of  those  who  bear  no  malice  in  their  soul.  He 
took  a  piece  of  polished  deerskin,  and  with  red  ochre  and 
the  juice  of  bija^  wrote  to  Quesada  in  the  following  terms: 
"  My  Lord,  I  have  had  certain  news  that  a  band  of  Spaniards 
is  at  hand.  They  are  coming  from  the  Llanos. ^  They  are 
close  by  and  will  arrive  here  to-morrow.  Let  your  worship 
determine  quickly  what  measures  to  take."^ 

It  was  an  honourable  and 'a  generous  letter,  for,  situated  as 
he  was,  Fonte  could  have  given  infinite  trouble  to  Quesada 
had  he  been  so  inclined.  Certainly  he  had  been  most 
unjustly  treated,  and  that  he  was  alive  to  write  and  warn 
his  chief  was  a  mere  accident,  due  to  the  devotion  of  the 
Indian  girl. 

An  Indian  gave  the  letter  to  Quesada  just  six  days  after 
his  brother's  meeting  with  Belalcazar  in  the  Neiva  valley. 

Quesada  had  need  of  all  his  diplomatic  talent,  and, 
luckily  for  him,  his  popularity  with  his  soldiers  now  stood 
him  in  good  stead.  However,  none  knew  better  than 
himself  how  few  they  were,  and  how  much  the  privations 

^  "  Vija  y  almagre." 

-  "  Los  Llanos" — i.e.,  the  plains  on  the  Meta  and  Orinoco. 

3  "  Mi  senor  nueva  cierta  he  tenido  que  viene  gente  espaiiola,  por 
los  Llanos;  que  esta  cerca  y  que  llegaran  de  aqui  a  manana.  Vea 
vuestra  merced  lo  que  se  debe  hacer  ":  Fray  Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  173 

of  the  past  year  had  worn  them  out.  Moreover,  he  was  out 
of  powder,  and  his  arms  in  bad  condition ;  but  his  supply  of 
horses  still  was  excellent.  He  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
numbers  of  either  of  the  advancing  bands,  for  Belalcazar 
had  taken  care  that  Hernan  Perez  and  the  two  captains  who 
accompanied  him  should  have  no  real  access  to  his  camp. 
Of  the  band  that  Captain  Fonte  warned  him  was  advancing 
from  an  opposite  direction  he  had  less  knowledge  still.  One 
thing  was  certain,  that,  if  the  two  converging  armies  joined 
to  attack  him,  he  would  have  no  chance. 

As  was  habitual  with  him,  throughout  his  life  he  rose  at 
once  to  the  occasion  when  a  difficulty  appeared.  Without 
delay  he  had  his  best  horse  saddled,  and  ordered  every  horse- 
man that  he  had  to  mount  and  ride  with  him  and  make  a 
formidable  show.  Then  he  set  forth  upon  one  of  the  most 
memorable  of  all  his  rides,  accompanied  by  Captains  Juan 
de  Junco,  Gonzalo  Jimenez  Rondon,  Pedro  Fernandez 
Valenzuela,  and  one  may  suppose  by  Captains  San  Martin 
and  Cespedes,  for  he  chose  only  those  in  whom  his  con- 
fidence was  sure. 

As  they  passed  Pasca  he  sent  a  soldier  with  a  horse  and 
armxS  to  Lazaro  Fonte,  who  no  doubt  was  waiting  anxiously. 
Unluckily  none  of  the  chroniclers  tells  us  how,  once  more 
armed  and  mounted,  Fonte  galloped  to  meet  Quesada, 
pulling  his  horse  up  on  its  haunches  and  saluting  with  his 
lance  before  he  fell  into  the  ranks.  He  must  have  done  so, 
as  he  was  the  finest  horseman  in  the  expedition,  and  through 
those  war-worn,  thinly  peopled  ranks  a  murmur  of  welcome 
must  have  run,  as  their  old  comrade  reappeared.  What 
happened  to  the  Indian  girl  the  chroniclers,  often  so  full  of 
detail  on  less  interesting  points,  have  left  untold,  perhaps, 
as  Churchmen,  not  thinking  such  an  episode,  now  that  the 
girl  had  played  her  part,  worthy  the  chronicling.  What 
they  have  said  is  that  in  the  future  Quesada  treated  Fonte 
generously,  keeping  him  always  in  attendance  on  his  person 
and  furthering  his  advance. 

Hardly  had  Quesada  and  his  band  of  horsemen  been 
joined  at  Pasca  by  Lazaro  Fonte,  once  more  equipped  as 


174  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

a  Spanish  gentleman  and  restored  to  favour,  than  up  rode 
a  strange  skinclad  figure  on  a  thin,  way-worn  horse.  The 
rider's  hair  was  long,  his  beard  unkempt,  and  he  was 
roughly  dressed  in  ill-cured  deerskins.  He  said  his  name 
was  Pedro  Limpias,  an  old  conqueror  of  Venezuela.^ 

As  Quesada  and  his  men  were  looking  at  him  in  amaze- 
ment he  announced  himself  as  an  advance  rider  of  the 
expedition  of  Captain  Don  Nicolas  Federman,  of  German 
nationality,  and  the  lieutenant-general  of  Don  Jorge 
Aspira,"  Governor  in  Venezuela  for  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 

Neither  Quesada  nor  the  skinclad  Captain  Limpias 
had  heard  of  the  other's  expedition,  and  Belalcazar  had 
not  heard  of  either  of  them,  so  that  the  meeting  of  the  three 
generals — Quesada,  Federman,  and  Belalcazar — in  the 
middle  of  a  continent,  starting  as  they  had  done  from  points 
so  far  from  one  another,  reads  like  a  fairy-tale. 

Quesada  had  set  out  from  Santa  Marta  on  the  Caribbean 
Sea,  and  Belalcazar  from  the  town  of  Quito  in  Peru.  Feder- 
man, starting  from  Coro  in  Venezuela,  had  traversed  all  the 
Llanos,  crossed  the  Andes  at  the  pass  of  Suma  Paz,  and 
after  three  years'  wandering  in  the  wilds  had  reached  the 
plains  of  Bogota. 

Nothing  so  strange  as  was  the  meeting  of  the  three  fate- 
led  generals  could  have  been  imagined,  and  certainly  no 
expeditions  had  endured  more  hardships  than  those  that 
Federman  and  Quesada  led  in  the  whole  conquest  of  America. 

How  Federman,  a  German,  came  to  be  leading  Spanish 
soldiers  is  a  strange  episode.  The  Emperor  Charles  V., 
himself  a  Fleming,  had  granted  lands  in  Venezuela  to  the 
great  banking  house  of  the  Weltzers,  known  to  the  Spaniards 
as  "  Los  Belzeres,"  sometimes  "  Los  Velzeres." 

The  Weltzers^  sent  out  a  German  colony,  and  in  command 

^  Un  antiguo  conquistador  de  Venezuela. 

2  "  Jorge  de  Aspira  " — that  is,  George  of  Spires. 

3  Fray  Francisco  de  Gomara,  in  his  "  Historia  General  de  las 
Indias,"  p.  6o,  is  very  indignant  about  this  action  of  Charles  V.  He 
says:  "  La  Reina  Isabel  no  consentio  pasar  a  Indias  hombre  que  no 
fue  su  vasallo.  ...  El  emperador  (Carlos  V.)  abrio  la  puerta  i  los 
Alemanes  y  estrangeros  en  el  comercio  que  hizo  con  los  Bel9ares." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  175 

of  it  a  certain  general,  one  George  of  Spires.  The  Spaniards 
called  him  Jorge  de  Espira/  and  by  that  transformation  of 
his  name  he  is  universally  known  to  all  the  chroniclers. 
This  George  of  Spires,  himself  a  prudent  governor  and  a  man 
of  great  humanity,  had  for  a  general  one  Alfinger,  a  brave 
man,  but  more  bloodthirsty  than  the  most  cruel  of  the 
Spaniards.  When  he  saw  that  Alfinger  was  disgracing 
him ,2  he  appointed  Nicholas  Federman  to  lead  the  next 
expedition  that  he  fitted  out.  Federman  was  very  popular 
with  the  soldiers,  although  a  foreigner.  No  commander 
showed  himself  more  humane  in  his  treatment  of  the 
Indians,  and  few,  except  Quesada  and  Cortes,  were  called 
upon  to  face  more  perils  or  more  hardships. 

He  is  described  as  of  medium  stature,  red-bearded,  and 
very  active  and  enduring,^  very  valiant  and  adventurous. 
Starting  from  Coro,  he  went  to  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela  to  try 
his  luck  at  pearl  fishing,  but  without  success.  He  then  set 
out  to  discover  and  to  conquer  territory,  apparently  with 
no  fixed  plan,^  or  the  least  idea  where  he  was  going  to. 

Following  the  shores  of  the  Lake  of  Maracaibo,  and 
passing  marshes  so  treacherous  that  men  and  horses  dis- 
appeared in  them,  keeping  the  cordillera  of  the  Andes  always 
in  sight,  to  guide  himself  by,  he  struggled  on  for  a  whole 
year.     Finding    game   scarce,   and   hearing    it   was  more 

1  Sometimes  "Aspira."  The  Spaniards  of  those  days  altered 
proper  names  to  suit  their  own  pronunciation,  making  of  Cavendish, 
Candish;  Hawkins,  Aquino;  and  Frobisher,  Ofrisba.  We  ourselves 
did  the  same  with  their  names,  and  turned  La  Corufia  into  The 
Groyne,  Bilbao  into  Bilboa,  and  sometimes  Bilbo. 

2  Herrera  says  of  George  of  Spires  that  he  was  "  hombre  honrado 
y  cristiano,  templado  y  de  buena  condicion."  This  is  confirmed 
by  the  fact  that  when  Judge  Navarro  was  sent  from  Spain  to  examine 
into  his  affairs  (in  Spanish  this  was  called  "  tomarle  la  residencia  ") 
he  found  nothing  at  all  against  him,  a  most  unusual  thing,  in  those 
days,  to  happen  to  a  Spanish  governor  in  the  Indies.  Jorge  de 
Espira  remained  Governor  of  Venezuela  till  his  death  in  1545. 

3  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin 
Acosta,  p.  162. 

*  He  may  have  followed  "  where  the  Holy  Ghost  did  lead,"  after 
the  fashion  of  the  good  missionary  to  the  Californias,  Fray  Marcos 
de  Niza. 


176  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

abundant  in  the  plains,  he  left  the  foothills  of  the  Andes 
and  plunged  into  the  vast  and  grassy  Llanos  of  the  Casanare, 
that  stretch  out  like  a  sea.  Rivers  innumerable  that  have 
no  name  on  any  map  cut  them  in  all  directions,  and  marshes 
intersect  them ,  whose  paths  are  known  but  to  the  wandering 
Indians  and  the  rude  herdsmen  of  the  plains.  Great  cane- 
brakes,  so  tall  that  a  man  on  horseback  disappears  com- 
pletely in  them,  spring  up  on  the  rivers'  banks,  and  clumps 
of  the  Moriche  palm,  slender  and  feathery  as  ostrich  plumes, 
are  scattered  here  and  there.  Even  to-day  the  traveller 
who  loses  his  direction  perishes.  He  wanders  up  and  down 
until  his  horse  is  either  eaten  by  a  tiger,  escapes  at  night, 
or  falls  down  dead  from  sunstroke  and  fatigue.  Then  the 
doomed  man  wanders  round  in  a  circle,  till  at  last  he  sits 
down  with  his  back  against  a  palm-tree,  and  is  found  months 
afterwards  a  skeleton,  his  flesh  devoured  by  the  wild  beasts, 
or  a  dry  mummy  shrivelled  by  the  sun. 

How  Federman  kept  his  direction  in  such  a  labyrinth  of 
streams  and  marshes  seems  a  miracle.  Even  Quesada  had 
the  River  Magdalena  as  a  guide;  but  Federman,  when  he 
had  lost  the  Andes  from  his  view,  was  like  a  shipwrecked 
sailor  set  afloat  upon  the  sea,  without  a  compass  or  a  chart. 
The  Indians  whom  he  met  were  far  more  warlike  than  those 
Quesada  met  upon  the  Magdalena,  and  attacked  perpetually, 
killing  his  horses  and  his  men. 

Three  years  of  travel  and  of  wandering  to  and  fro  reduced 
his  force,  from  the  four  himdred  who  had  set  out  with  him 
from  Coro,  to  but  a  hundred  men.  These  were  ill-fed  and 
fever-stricken.  Their  clothes  had  long  dropped  off  in  rags, 
rotted  by  the  perpetual  rain  and  the  hot  sun,  and  to  replace 
them  they  had  contrived  rough  hose  and  doublets  from  the 
skins  of  animals.  Most  of  them  were  bareheaded,  pro- 
tected from  the  sun  by  their  long  shaggy  hair,  that  they 
wore  loose  upon  their  shoulders  after  the  Indian  style. 
Their  horses  all  were  lean  and  went  unshod,  for  their  shoes 
long  ago  had  dropped  off  in  the  mud.  Burs  filled  their 
manes  and  tails,  and  ticks  stuck  on  their  skins,  looking  like 
gooseberries.     Still,  neither  Federman  nor  any  of  his  men 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  177 

lost  heart,  but  struggled  onward,  always  pushing  towards 
the  south.  Wonderful  to  relate,  in  all  their  sufferings,  and 
pushed  by  hunger  as  they  were,  they  saved  some  cocks  and 
hens  they  carried  with  them,  and  these  lived  to  be  the 
ancestors  of  the  domestic  fowls  of  Bogota. 

Whether  Federman  went  by  design  back  to  the  Andes, 
tired  of  his  wanderings  in  the  plains  of  Casanare,  or  whether 
after  striking  the  Rio  Meta  he  followed  it,  hoping  that  it 
would  lead  to  somewhere  out  of  the  interminable  plains, 
none  of  the  writers  on  the  conquest  seem  to  know.  At  last 
he  reached  the  Indian  town  of  Pasacote,  between  which 
and  Pasca  lies  the  pass  called  Suma  Paz.  Over  the  awful 
precipices  of  that  trail,  never  used  since  his  passage,  by 
horsemen,  or  by  mules,  he  hauled  his  horses  up  with  ropes. 
Then,  camping  to  rest  his  followers  and  find  out  where  he 
was,  he  sent  out  Captain  Limpias  with  a  few  men,  who  to 
his  astonishment  met  Quesada,  who  had  had  notice  of  his 
coming  by  Fonte's  messenger. 

Quesada's  men  had  been  abashed  before  the  splendour  of 
the  Peruvians,  all  dressed  in  silks  and  in  well-woven  cloth 
from  Perpignan.^  When  they  saw  Federman's  skin-covered 
starvelings,  they  felt  like  kings,  dressed  in  their  Indian  cloths. 

Many  of  Quesada's  captains  were  moved  to  tears  when 
they  beheld  the  miserable  state  of  the  newcomers,  and  learned 
that  of  four  hundred  men  who  had  set  out  from  Coro  only  a 
hundred  had  survived.  They  asked  about  their  friends, 
for  in  the  ranks  of  Federman  were  many  who  had  served 
with  them  in  other  conquests,  and  to  their  inquiries  always 
received  the  answer,  "  Killed  by  the  Indians,  or  perished 
of*hunger  and  of  thirst." 

News  was  sent  off  at  once  to  Quesada  of  their  arrival, 
and  he,  who  did  not  fear  them  as  he  feared  the  well-equipped 
Peruvians,  set  off  at  once,  met  and  received  them  hospit- 
ably. He  gave  them  Indian  cotton  cloths  to  hide  their 
nakedness,  and  baskets  full  of  food.  Then,  being  a  sagacious 
man,  and  knowing  how  much  appearances  influence  man- 
kind, he  sent  for  all  the  tributary  Indian  chiefs  to  come  at 

^  Perpinanes. 


178  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

once  to  him,  bringing  their  best-dressed  followers  with  music 
and  with  flags.  Quesada  then  formed  them  into  squadrons 
with  his  own  infantry  upon  their  flank.  He  himself  on 
horseback  led  the  way,  with  martial  music — that  is,  a  soldier 
beat  upon  their  solitary  drum,  and  Indians  blew  their  war 
whistles  and  sounded  blasts  on  conches  brought  from  the 
sea-coast. 

Federman  and  his  ragged  regiment  stood  to  their  miserable 
arms,  thinking  they  were  about  to  be  attacked  by  the 
imposing  army  that  was  advancing  on  them.  Seeing  he 
was  mistaken,  he  rode  out  on  a  half-starved  horse,  seated 
upon  a  deerskin  saddle,  and  met  Quesada,  who  advanced 
before  his  men  to  welcome  him.  Then  both  got  off  their 
horses  and  embraced  with  courtesies  and  compliments  such 
as  gentlemen^  use  on  such  occasions,  and  taking  one  another 
by  the  hand  rode  back  to  Bogota. 

The  next  two  or  three  days  were  passed  in  feasting,  and 
in  running  at  the  ring  and  other  sports  on  horseback,^  such 
as  the  "  game  of  canes." 

Quesada  soon  found  out  that  in  Federman  he  had  a  man, 
perfectly  honest,  and  of  a  noble,  open  nature,  and  made  a 
friend  of  him. 

Moreover,  he  had  no  need  to  stand  in  any  fear  of  him, 
for  he  had  but  a  hundred  followers,  half  starved  and  ill 
equipped.  Yet,  as  he  still  was  doubtful  of  the  Peruvians,^ 
though  without  reason,  for  Belalcazar  was  the  soul  of 
generosity,  he  drew  up  an  agreement  with  Federman  in 
which  he  undertook  to  share  all  future  conquests  with  him, 
and  assist  him  with  his  arms. 

After  the  days  of  feasting  and  of  sports  were  over,  news 

*  Con  palabras  hidalgas. 

2  "  Juegosdeacaballo."  La  Sortij  a  (running  at  the  ring)  was  much 
practised  by  the  Spaniards  of  those  days,  and  also  El  Juego  de  Cafias 
(the  game  of  canes) .  This  was  a  sport  they  had  inherited  from  the 
Moors,  and  was  always  played  with  the  Moorish  saddle  with  short 
stirrups,  known  in  Spain  as  "  La  silla  a  la  gineta."  It  consisted  in 
an  imitation  of  a  battle  with  javelins,  and  the  players  threw  canes 
at  one  another,  to  simulate  the  javelins  used  by  the  Moors. 

^  "  Los  Peruleros, "  as  the  Spaniards  of  those  days  called  Peruvians. 
The  proper  word  is  "  Peruanos. " 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  179 

was  brought  in  to  Bogota  that  Belalcazar  and  his  Peruvians 
were  a  short  league  away. 

They  came  on  gallantly  riding  their  fine  Peruvian  horses, 
their  bright,  steel  corslets  glittering  in  the  sun,  their  helmets 
with  their  plumes  all  fluttering  in  the  wind,  their  silks  and 
"  perpiilanes  "  making  a  brave  show. 

Both  Quesada's  and  Federman's  soldiers  were  so  badly 
clothed,  their  arms  so  rusted,  and  their  half-bare  skins 
so  tanned  by  sunburn  and  so  rough  with  mosquito  bites, 
that  the  Peruvians  looked  on  them  with  amazement,  hardly 
recognizing  them  for  their  own  countrym_en. 

Belalcazar  and  Federman  became  friends  at  once,  and 
Quesada's  singular^  aptitude  for  diplomacy  no  doubt  con- 
tributed to  the  peaceful  attitude  that  their  relations 
immediately  assumed. 

There  was,  indeed,  almost  a  certainty  that  three^  such 
men,  accustomed  to  command,  who  had  been  for  so  long 
a  time  a  law  unto  themselves,  would  quarrel,  situated  as 
they  were. 

It  is  possible  that  Belalcazar  was  the  most  brilliant 
commander,  as  he  had  experience  in  the  Pizarro's  wars  of 
fighting  on  a  greater  scale  than  any  that  had  fallen  to  the 
lot  either  of  Quesada  or  of  Federman.  The  latter  was  a 
man,  easy  to  agree  with,  open-handed,  large-hearted,  and 
without  malice  in  his  composition,  brave  and  upright  as 
his  sword. 

Quesada  evidently  had  the  keenest  judgment  and  the 
most  diplomatic  brain. 

Curiously  enough,  all  three  of  them  were  in  the  same 
position  in  respect  to  their  superiors.  Quesada  had  in- 
tended to  deceive  the  Adelantado  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo,  and 
slip  off  to  Spain  without  his  knowledge  to  get  the  emperor 
to  confirm  him  in  his  government.  Belalcazar  was  actually 
upon  the  road  to  Spain,  without  Pizarro's  knowledge  or 

1  "  La  prudencia  del  General  Jimenez  de  Quesada,  que  la  tenia 
singular  para  negocios  arduos  ":  Fray  Simon. 

2  The  old  Spanish  saying  ran:  "  Dos  gorriones  en  una  espiga 
hacen  mala  liga."  Fray  Simon  says:  "  Three  sparrows  would 
make  a  worse  job  of  it." 


t8o  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

consent.  Federman  also  had  gone  away  from  Coro  during 
the  absence  of  his  superior,  Jorge  de  Espira,  but,  as  it 
appears,  had  no  idea  of  slipping  off  to  Spain. 

This  memorable  meeting  took  place  in  February,  1539, 
according  to  Fray  Simon,  and  in  1540,  if  we  accept  the  date 
given  by  other  chroniclers.^ 

The  three  conquistadores  remained  in  Bogota  until  the 
month  of  May  of  the  same  year,  resting  from  their  hardships, 
employed  in  sports,  in  feasting  and  the  chase.  They 
chiefly  hunted  deer,  and  these  they  chased  on  horseback, 
killing  them  with  their  spears.  The  sport  must  have 
required  good  horses,  and  the  deer  must  have  been  both 
tame  and  plentiful.  This  lancing  of  the  deer  on  horseback 
was  a  favourite  diversion  of  the  conquistadores.  Cortes, 
upon  his  journey  to  Honduras,  engaged  in  it,  and  also  Alvar 
Nuiiez  on  his  journey  up  the  Paraguay.  The  latter  even 
landed  his  horses  from  the  ships  to  engage  in  hunting,  passed 
a  day  or  two  in  sport,  then  re-embarked  the  horses  and  went 
on  up  the  stream. 

All  their  time  was  not  spent  in  hunting,  for  they  held 
frequent  councils,  and  at  one  of  them  Belalcazar,  who  was 
the  most  experienced  of  the  three  in  American  affairs, 
advised  Quesada  to  found  more  towns  in  his  new  govern- 
ment. He  pointed  out  that  the  neglect  to  found  towns 
in  Venezuela  had  caused  that  colony's  want  of  progress, 
and  had  allowed  the  Indian  tribes  to  become  powerful 
again. 

He  dwelt  upon  the  difficulty  there  would  always  be  in 
navigating  the  great  River  Magdalena  to  the  sea,  without 
more  towns  upon  its  banks.  Ships  could  refit  if  these  were 
ports,  he  said,  and  get  provisions,  whilst  the  garrisons 
patrolled  the  river  in  their  boats  to  keep  the  passage  clear. 

Let  but  tOAvns  once  be  built,  and  people  soon  will  flock 
to  them,  as  it  has  happened  in  Peru. 

I  have,  he  said,  no  intention  of  staying  here,  but  intend 
to   return   to   Spain   to   ask   the   "  unconquered   Caesar  "^ 

*  Piedrahita,  Castellanos,  etc. 
2  El  invictfsimo  Cesar. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  i8i 

(Charles  V.)  to  make  me  Governor  of  Popayan,  the  land  that 
I  have  won. 

Quesada  saw  the  force  of  his  advice,  and  acted  on  it, 
having  been  spurred  on  to  greater  energy  by  news  that 
Belalcazar  had  received  of  the  death  of  the  Adelantado  Don 
Pedro  de  Lugo,  an  event  that  seemed  to  better  his  position 
with  the  authorities  in  Spain.  His  first  act  was  to  improve 
his  capital,  for  nothing  further  had  been  done  since  the 
twelve  miserable  huts  were  built,  and  the  whole  place  looked 
like  an  Indian  "  rancheria,"  squalid  and  miserable. 

Streets,  squares,  and  public  buildings  all  were  planned, 
and  the  whole  town  laid  out,  just  where  it  stands  to-day  on 
the  same  plan  of  the  first  conquerors. 

This  done,  in  the  month  of  April  (1539-40  ?)  Quesada 
named  the  first  Alcaldes,  who  were  Jeronimo  de  la  Inza  and 
Juan  de  Arrevalo.  The  Regidores^  were  his  chief  captains, 
Juan  de  San  Martin,  Cespedes,  Antonio  Diaz  Cardoso,  and 
Captain  Lazaro  Fonte,  now  restored  to  grace.  Baltazar 
Maldonado  he  named  Alguacil  Mayor^  of  Bogota.  Hernan 
Perez  de  Quesada  was  appointed  Alguacil  Mayor  of  the 
whole  conquered  territory,  and  lieutenant-general  to  the 
governor.  The  notary  public  was  one  Juan  Rodriguez  de 
Benavides,  who  now  exchanged  the  sword  and  crossbow 
for  the  pen,  as  a  more  lethal  instrument. 

Then  came  the  consecration  of  the  church,  under  the  title 
of  La  Concepcion  de  Nuestra  Senora,  that  it  still  bears  to-day. 
The  first  priest  of  the  new-made  parish  was  one  Juan 
Rellejo,  a  bachelor  of  arts.  For  an  assistant  he  had  Fray 
Vicente  Requesada;  both  came  with  Federman. 

Little  by  little  the  miserable  huts  gave  place  to  houses 
built  of  bricks;  but  bricks^  dried  in  the  sun.  The  first  tiled 
house  was  built  by  Captain  Colmenares,  and  it  may  possibly 
still  stand  in  some  forgo tton  quarter  of  the  town. 

1  Roughly  speaking,  Alcaldes  and  Regidores  correspond  to 
Justices  of  the  Peace  and  Aldermen. 

2  High  Constable. 

3  "  Adobe  y  tapia."  Adobes  are  bricks  dried  in  the  sun.  Tapia 
is  a  wall  built  of  "  pise."  The  word  is  a  corruption  of  the  Arabic 
"  tabieh." 


i82  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QXJESADA 

Whilst  the  new  town  was  slowly  rising  from  the  ground, 
at  the  port  of  Tocaima  on  the  Magdalena,  a  ship  was  being 
built,  to  take  the  generals  down  to  Cartagena  on  their  return 
to  Spain. 

When  all  was  ready  for  the  start,  Quesada  named  his 
brother  his  lieutenant-general  during  his  absence,  giving 
him,  like  a  prudent  lawyer  as  he  was,  two  titles  to  the  office: 
one  from  himself  as  the  discoverer  and  conqueror  of  the 
land,  and  one  as  lieutenant-general  of  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo, 
in  case  he  still  should  be  alive. 

Lastly,  in  order  to  make  his  own  position  sure,  he  got 
himself  elected  governor  by  the  town  council  of  the  newly 
founded  city,  till  his  return  from  Spain. 

He  left  instructions  to  Captains  Gonzalo  Suarez  de 
Rondon  to  found  a  town  in  Tunja,  the  scene  of  his  first 
exploit,  and  Captain  Galiano  had  his  command  to  found  in 
Velez;^  these  orders,  they  both  executed. 

The  last  scene  that  took  place  before  the  three  generals 
were  ready  to  depart  was  the  sale  of  their  horses,  arms,  and 
slaves,  guns,  crossbows,  "  perpignans,"  and  silks  by 
Belalcazar's  men.  Poor  Federman  had  nothing  to  dispose 
of  but  his  horses,  and  these  sold  well,  a  reasonable  horse^ 
fetching  a  thousand  dollars  and  the  best  two  thousand,  whilst 
even  those  in  poor  condition,  that  had  come  all  the  way 
from  Coro,  commanded  a  good  price. 

All  was  now  ready,  and  Quesada,  after  having  gathered 
everyone  together,  addressed  them  movingly.  He  spoke  of 
all  the  dangers  they  had  shared  together ;  of  all  the  hardships 
they  had  undergone,  the  hunger,  thirst,  the  battles  with 
the  Indians,  and  how  at  last  fortune  had  brought  them 
safely  into  the  promised  land. 

Lastly,  he  took  farewell  of  everybody,  enjoining  peace, 

i  Tunja  is  now  a  curious,  old-fashioned  town,  full  of  churches. 
Velez  is  the  capital  of  the  department  of  Santander,  and  is  a  thriving 
and  important  place.  Herrera  says  of  it  (Decada  V.,  p.  45:  Madrid, 
1601) :  "  Es  tierra  adonde  caian  infinitos  cayos  .  .  .  y  no  caen  tantos 
despues  que  en  ella  assiste  el  Santisimo  Sacramento  del  Altar:  tiene 
un  '  bolcon  '  que  echa  muchas  piedras." 

*  Razonable  caballo. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  183 

goodwill,  and  fellowship  upon  them,  promising  to  advance 
their  interests  at  home,  and  speedily  return.^  Then,  for 
the  last  time  he  mounted,  and  slowly  rode  out  of  the  city 
he  had  founded,  that  he  was  destined  not  to  see  again  for 
twelve  long  years,  with  the  whole  population  crowding 
round  his  horse. 

Accompanied  by  Federman  and  Belalcazar,  whose  soldiers 
nearly  all  insisted  upon  going  with  them  to  the  port,  Quesada 
set  his  face  towards  Tocaima,^  where  the  new  ship  was 
waiting  for  them. 

At  Tocaima  they  embarked,  and  at  their  shoving  off  from 
shore,  the  sound  of  weeping  mingled  with  the  "  Vivas  "  that 
the  soldiers  shouted  to  their  departing  friend  and  general. 

Slowly  the  new-built  vessel  felt  the  current,  and  as  the 
Indian  "  bogas  "  strained  upon  their  oars,  she  drifted  out 
of  sight. 

1  There  is  a  Spanish  saying,  "  Uno  pienso  el  bayo,  y  otro  el  que 
le  ensilla  " — that  is,  The  bay  horse  thinks  one  wa3^  and  the  man  who 
saddles  him  another.  This  was  the  case  with  Quesada,  for  twelve 
years  were  destined  to  elapse  before  he  saw  Bogota  again. 

2  Herrera  (Decada  V.)  says:  "  Tocaymo  no  tiene  oro,  y  es  lindi- 
sima  y  de  noche  no  cae  sereno  en  ella."  It  is  certainly  a  very 
pretty  place.  The  lack  of  gold  seems  to  have  been  little  remedied 
since  Herrera's  time,  and  it  appears  to  me  he  was  mistaken  about 
the  dew  (sereno) . 


CHAPTER  XIV 

A  CHAPTER  of  Quesada's  life  closed,  when  he,  with  Belalcazar 
and  with  Federman,  pushed  off  into  the  stream. 

Although  he  was  reserved  for  the  most  strange  adventures 
up  to  extreme  old  age,  the  acme  of  his  fortune  had  been 
reached,  and  he  was  fated  never  to  attain  the  honours  that 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  so  freely  meted  out,  both  to  Pizarro 
and  Cortes, 

The  voyage  that  he  found  himself  engaged  in  on  the 
Magdalena  was  new  ground  to  him,  for  in  the  past  no  vessel 
had  gone  farther  up  the  stream  than  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Opon.  As  they  with  due  precaution  felt  their  way  down 
the  swift  current  of  the  Alto  Magdalena,  the  sound  of  rapids 
fell  upon  their  ears  most  disagreeably.  They  were  close  to 
the  well-known  rapids  of  the  town  of  Honda,^  that  still 
stop  navigation  on  the  river  except  to  little  craft.  When  he 
arrived  above  the  rapids,  as  they  were  quite  unknown  and 
appeared  dangerous,  Quesada  was  obliged  to  make  a 
portage,  carrying  all  his  effects  by  land  through  the  thick 
forests  on  the  bank,  and  lowering  down  the  empty  vessel 
by  the  help  of  ropes. 

During  this  portage  Quesada  learned  that  there  was  gold 

1  Simon  Perez  de  Torres,  in  his  "  Viage  del  Mundo,"  says:  "  De 
Onda,  no  encuentro  nada  que  decir."  That  is  not  complimentary, 
for  I  remember  that  the  last  time  I  passed  through  it,  a  man  on 
horseback  was  taking  a  bullock  through  the  chief  street,  lassoed 
round  the  horns. 

Simon  Perez  de  Torres  goes  on  to  say,  as  if  he  had  repented  of  his 
want  of  courtesy:  "  Cerca  de  Onda  hay  una  venta.  La  Villeta,  y 
pasa  unrio.  Lamitad  negra  y  la  otraclara,  como  los  ojos  de  la  cara." 
As  the  eyes  of  the  face  (los  ojos  de  la  cara)  are  not  commonly  black 
and  light-coloured,  it  would  appear  that  Torres  had  spoken  without 
due  relicotiou  about  Onda. 

1 84 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  185 

found  in  the  neighbourhood.  Of  this  he  wrote  to  his  brother, 
Hernan  Perez,  when  he  arrived  at  Cartagena,  and  many  years 
afterwards  the  town  of  Mariquita  was  founded  not  far  from 
the  spot  where  he  had  made  the  portage,  and  heard  about 
the  gold. 

On  re-embarking,  as  they  dropped  down  the  river  through 
the  interminable  walls  of  vegetation,  fleets  of  canoes  attacked 
them  constantly.  Luckily  Belalcazar's  men  were  well 
supplied  with  guns  and  powder,  and  easily  repelled  attacks. 

For  the  first  five  or  six  days  downstream  the  country  was 
unknown  to  them,  for  hitherto  no  Spaniards  from  the  coasts 
had  reached  the  rapids  that  Quesada  recently  had  passed. 
When  they  came  to  the  territory  of  the  Cacique  of  Malambo, 
they  met  some  Spaniards,  who  were  amazed  to  see  a  boat- 
load of  their  countrymen,  many  dressed  only  in  Indian 
cloths,  who  had  appeared  from  out  of  the  unknown. 

They  left  the  vessel  that  they  had  built  in  Tocaima,  at 
Malambo,  and  marched  through  trails  just  opened  in  the 
woods  to  Cartagena,  not  without  difficulty  and  frequent 
skirmishes. 

When  they  arrived  at  Cartagena  the  excitement  was 
intense,  for  nobody  had  ever  heard  of  Bogota.  Fabulous 
legends  of  its  richness  soon  were  circulated,  and  both  Peru 
and  Mexico  were  now  declared  to  be  mere  dustheaps  in 
comparison  with  the  new  colony. 

When  the  three  generals  appeared  upon  the  streets  crowds 
followed  them  about,  eagerly  asking  to  be  allowed  to  enlist 
in  their  next  expedition  to  the  interior. 

The  phrase  of  "El  Dorado  "  naturally  contributed  to 
the  astounding  stories  as  to  the  wealth  of  the  new  conquest. 
From  the  first  it  seems  the  Spanish  settlers  applied  the 
expression  to  a  city,  not  knowing,  or  not  understanding, 
that  it  was  used  in  relation  to  a  man.  These  rumours  soon 
would  be  circulated  and  exaggerated,  and  by  degrees  give 
rise  to  the  legend  that  was  so  widely  believed  in  at  the 
time. 

Everyone  wished  to  hear  the  details,  and  Quesada  was 
besieged  by  people  eager  to  interview  him,  as  naturally  he 


i86  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

was  the  man  who  had  most  information  about  the  golden 
town.^ 

For  the  first  time  Quesada  learned  with  certainty  of  the 
Adelantado's  death,  and  that  another  governor,  one 
Jeronimo  Lebron,  was  reigning  in  his  stead.  Certainly, 
Santa  Marta  was  the  last  place  Quesada  wished  to  visit  at 
the  time,  for  there  the  people  knew  the  terms  that  he  had 
made  with  the  late  Adelantado  when  embarking  on  his 
quest. 

Two  years  had  now  elapsed  since  he  set  out  from  Santa 
Marta,  and  as  he  had  sent  back  no  letters  to  the  coast, 
partly  no  doubt  from  lack  of  vessels  to  convey  them,  and 
partly  from  the  not  unnatural  feeling  that  he  wished  nobody 
should  share  the  profit  and  the  fame  that  he  had  earned  with 
so  much  suffering.  Thus  both  in  Santa  Marta  and  in 
Cartagena,  everyone  believed  him  dead.  When  he  appeared 
upon  the  coast,  accompanied  by  Federman  and  Belalcazar, 
and  the  news  of  their  strange  meeting  got  about,  excitement 
knew  no  bounds. 

News  of  Quesada's  unexpected  return  was  not  long  reach- 
ing Santa  Marta.  The  governor,  Jeronimo  Lebron,  sent 
at  once  charging  Quesada,  as  the  successor  of  his  former 
chief,  to  come  to  Santa  Marta  and  report  to  him  all  that 
had  taken  place.  This  Quesada  not  unnaturally  refused 
to  do,  saying  that,  as  Don  Pedro  was  no  more,  he  would  not 
give  account  to  anyone  except  the  emperor.^ 

Jeronimo  Lebron  was  obliged  to  content  himself  with 
Quesada's  answer;  but  he  at  once  set  about  to  fit  out  an 
expedition  to  the  interior,  alleging  that  the  newly  conquered 
lands  fell  under  his  government,  according  to  the  capitulation 
made  by  Quesada  with  his  predecessor. 

Quesada  sent  him  a  strongly  worded  protest,  charging 
him  upon  his  peril  not  to  set  out  upon  his  expedition,  till 

•  "  Como  quien  mas  de  raiz  sabia  la  sustancia  de  la  cosa":  Fray- 
Simon. 

2  Most  unfortunately,  owing  to  this  dispute,  Quesada,  whilst  he 
was  in  Cartagena,  melted  down  all  his  gold  into  ingots.  Thus  many 
interesting  idols,  cups,  and  Chibcha  ornaments,  that  he  most  certainly 
would  have  presented  to  the  emperor,  were  destroyed. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  187 

he  had  laid  his  claims  to  the  new  governorship  before  the 
emperor.  The  protest  did  not  stop  Jeronimo  Lebron  from 
starting  up  the  Magdalena,  for  the  account  of  the  great 
wealth  of  Bogota  had  been  so  talked  about,  that  all  the 
Spaniards  on  the  coast  were  itching  to  set  out.  Lebron 
soon  found  himself  involved  in  difficulties  of  much  the  same 
kind  as  Quesada  had  to  encounter,  and  as  he  neither  had 
the  courage  nor  the  abilities  of  the  man  he  was  endeavouring 
to  supplant,  it  proved  disastrous  to  his  reputation.  On  his 
return  to  Santa  Marta,  with  only  twenty-five  of  those  with 
whom  he  had  set  out,  he  resigned  his  governorship,  and 
retired  to  his  estates  in  the  West  Indies. 

Quesada,  Federman,  and  Belalcazar  then  embarked  in  a 
light  galeas.  On  the  28th  of  August,  1539,  they  reached 
Cuba^  after  touching  at  Jamaica,  and  then,  after  a  favourable 
voyage,  safely  arrived  in  Spain. 

In  Spain  the  three  adventurers  who  had  been  so  strangely 
drawn  together,  for  a  brief  interval,  for  ever  separated. 

Both  Federman  and  Belalcazar  went  at  once  to  court, 
and  received  confirmation  of  their  governments.  Quesada, 
who  had  greater  cause  than  had  the  others  to  see  the 
emperor  at  once,  by  some  strange  circumstance  never 
properly  explained,  allowed  his  enemy,  Alonso  de  Lugo, 
the  Adelantado  Don  Pedro's  son,  he  who  had  so  basely 
left  his  father  in  the  lurch,  to  steal  a  march  upon  him. 

Federman  solicited  and  obtained  a  government  in 
Venezuela;  returned  there,  and  history  makes  no  further 
mention  of  him.  He  left  the  reputation  of  a  humane  and 
an  enlightened  man  in  all  his  dealings  with  the  Indians. 
His  soldiers  loved  and  respected  him,  although  he  was  a 
German,  a  circumstance  that  in  itself  speaks  volumes  to  his 
character  to  anyone  who  knows  how  jealous  is  the  Spanish 
attitude  towards  all  foreigners. 

1  On  the  28th  of  August,  1539,  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  Gonzalo 
de  Guzman,  wrote  to  the  emperor  "El  24  de  este  mes  llego  aqul 
un  navio  que  venia  de  Jamaica  .  .  .  con  gente  de  Cartagena,  e 
hizo  alii  escala  .  .  .  venian  el  Licenciado  Ximenez,  Belalcazar  y 
Federman":  Piedrahita,  p.  181.  Quesada  sailed  from  Cartagena 
on  the  8th  of  July,  1539. 


i88  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Sebastian  de  Belalcazar,  who  was  already  well  known  at 
court  as  the  conqueror  of  Quito,  was  favourably  received  by 
Charles  V.,  and  at  once  appointed  Adelantado  and  Governor 
of  Popayan.  The  rest  of  his  career  was  as  adventurous  as 
that  of  any  conqueror  of  the  Americas.  In  the  year  1541 
he  returned  to  Popayan,  and  his  first  action  was  to  send 
out  his  lieutenant,  Jorge  de  Robledo,  to  explore  the  valley 
of  the  Cauca,  that  was  reputed  rich  in  gold. 

About  this  time  the  Marquess  Francisco  Pizarro  had  been 
assassinated,  and  the  civil  war  between  his  brothers  and  the 
Almagros  was  raging  furiously.  An  official,  Vaca  de  Castro, 
had  been  sent  out  with  plenary  authority  from  Spain  to 
reduce  affairs  to  order  in  Peru.  His  first  act  was  to  call 
upon  all  those  who  were  loyal  to  the  crown  to  help  with  arms 
and  men. 

Belalcazar  marched  at  once  to  his  assistance,  and  after  a 
short  campaign  with  Castro,  who  in  the  interim  had  been 
named  viceroy,  was  dispatched  back  to  Popayan. 

It  is  supposed  the  newly  appointed  viceroy  felt  himself 
overshadowed  by  the  fame  that  Belalcazar  justly  enjoyed 
for  his  military  skill  and  as  a  conqueror.  This  jealousy, 
natural  no  doubt  in  the  case  of  Castro,  who  was  a  newcomer, 
was  complicated  by  the  fact  that  Belalcazar  had  granted  a 
safe-conduct  to  his  government  of  Popayan  to  one  Pedroso,^ 
who  had  been  a  principal  in  the  assassination  of  Pizarro,  and 
whose  life  was  forfeit  to  the  king. 

As  Belalcazar  was  a  well-known  royalist  throughout  his 
whole  career,  he  probably  merely  protected  Captain  Pedroso 
out  of  kindness  and  not  from  policy. 

1  Fray  Pedro  de  Aguado  says  in  his  "  Historia  de  Santa  Marta  y 
Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,"  p.  659  (it  was  first  published  1906  in 
Madrid,  though  long  known  in  MS.;  Piedrahita  uses  it):  "  Pedroso 
era  hombre  que  avia  andado  y  estado  en  Peru  muchos  dias,  pro- 
vincia  donde  por  la  influencia  y  virtud  de  los  astros  y  planetas  que 
alll  reinan,  cobran  los  hombres  que  en  ella  estan  .  .  .  una  eloquencia 
en  el  hablar  tan  acompanada  de  eficacisimas  palabras  y  razones,  que 
con  ellas  atrahen  k  si  los  animos  de  gentes  cstranas,  yque  nunca 
vieron,  k  que  hagan  lo  que  ellos  queren  y  pretenden."  These  "  astros 
y  planetas  "  still  appear  to  exert  their  influence,  not  only  in  Peru,  but 
all  over  South  America. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  189 

Belalcazar  retired  disgusted  to  his  government,  where  he 
found  other  troubles  waiting  for  him.  For  long  he  had 
received  no  news  of  Jorge  Robledo,  whom  he  had  sent  into 
the  Cauca  valley  to  explore.  He  marched  there  with  a 
considerable  force,  and  learned  upon  arriving  at  the  newly 
founded  town  of  Cartago  that  Robledo  had  slipped  off 
secretly  to  Spain,  to  get  himself  declared  the  governor  of  the 
new  territory. 

The  fact  that  he  himself  had  done  the  same  thing  when 
as  a  lieutenant  of  Pizarro  he  conquered  Popayan,  naturally 
did  not  weigh  with  him,  and  he  swore  vengeance  on  his 
lieutenant  if  he  should  ever  fall  into  his  hands. 

Belalcazar  went  on  to  the  town  of  Cali,  then  nothing  but 
an  Indian  rancheria;  now  an  important  place.  There  he 
received  the  visit  of  the  Licenciado  Armendariz,  who  handed 
to  him  in  the  emperor's  name  copies  of  the  new  code  of  laws 
for  the  Indies,  whic|i  had  been  promulgated  through  the 
exertions  of  Fray  Domingo  de  las  Casas,^  the  greatest 
advocate  the  Indians  ever  had  in  the  New  World.  This 
code,  excellent  and  humane  in  its  provisions  and  setting  out 
in  distinct  terms  that  the  Indians  were,  as  subjects  of  the 
emperor,  not  to  be  enslaved,^  was  yet  difficult  to  carry  out 
at  such  a  distance  from  Madrid.  Naturally  it  was  received 
with  disgust  b}^  the  older  conquerors.  They  had  not  come 
so  far,  and  undergone  such  perils,  to  look  too  closely  into 
the  rights  of  man.  Most  of  them  had  set  out  from  Spain 
under  the  rule  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel,  when  manners  had 
not  undergone  the  change  in  Spain  that  they  soon  underwent 
under  their  grandson  Charles  V.      Charles,  though  he  had 

1  Bishop  of  Chiapas  in  Mexico,  and  known  as  the  Apostle  to  the 
Indians. 

2  One  of  its  provisions  ran:  "  Que  ninguna  persona  se  pueda  servir 
de  los  Indios  por  via  de  naboria,  no  de  otro  modo  alguno,  contra 
su  voluntad."  Naboria  was,  as  it  may  be  remembered,  an  Indian 
who  was  not  a  slave,  but  had  to  work  whether  he  liked  or  not.  A 
still  stronger  clause  declared  that,  "  Que  por  ninguna  causa,  de 
guerra,  rebelion,  ni  otra,  ni  rescate,  ni  do  otra  manera,  no  se 
pueda  hacer  esclavo  Indio  alguno,  sino  que  sean  tratados  como 
personas  libres  y  como  vasallos  Reales,  que  son,  de  la  corona  de 
Castilla." 


190  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

not  the  least  idea  of  any  liberty  beneath  his  rule,  and  though 
he  stamped  out  with  an  iron  heel  all  the  free  institutions^ 
that  his  grandfathers,  the  Catholic  kings,  respected,  and 
were  obliged  both  to  respect  and  ratify,  still  found  himself 
insensibly  influenced  by  the  tendencies  of  a  new  century. 

The  contempt  that  the  new  legislation  evoked  throughout 
the  Indies  gave  rise  to  the  phrase  so  often  quoted,  "  I  obey, 
but  I  do  not  comply."^ 

This  fatal  phrase,  that  saved  the  legal  conscience,  was 
the  shield  under  which  every  cruelty  was  still  committed, 
years  after  the  protective  laws  were  passed. 

Belalcazar,  who  throughout  his  life  had  been  a  law  unto 
himself,  wrote  at  once  to  the  emperor  a  letter  (dated  1544) 
impugning  most  of  the  provisions  of  the  new  code  in  good 
set  terms,  and  at  the  same  time  complaining  of  the  treatment 
that  he  had  received  from  the  new  viceroy  of  Peru.  Seldom, 
indeed,  the  emperor  can  have  received  a  letter,  couched  in 
such  terms;  but  Belalcazar  was  too  useful  in  his  sphere  for 
him  to  quarrel  with.  Hardly  was  the  letter  written  and 
dispatched  before  news  came  to  Call  of  a  fresh  rebellion  in 
Peru.  To  Castro  had  succeeded  a  new  viceroy,  Blasco 
Nufiez  Vela,  an  elderly  and  not  particularly  able  man,  who 
at  once  came  into  collision  with  the  Pizarro  faction  over 
the  new  laws.  Fortune  declared  itself  against  him  from 
the  first,  and  he  was  forced  for  refuge  into  Belalcazar's 
government  of  Popayan.  Belalcazar  at  once  went  to  his 
assistance,  and  pushed  the  rebels  back  to  Quito,  where  he 
obtained  a  partial  victory  over  them.  Had  it  been  followed 
up  at  once,  as  Belalcazar  urged,  all  would  have  been  well 
for  Blasco  Nunez  Vela;  but  the  right  moment  passed,  and 
the  Pizarros  rallying  inflicted  a  defeat  upon  the  royalists, 
and  after  having  taken  the  viceroy  prisoner,  at  once  beheaded 
him.  Belalcazar  was  made  prisoner,  covered  with  wounds 
and  fighting  bravely.     He  would  have  been  beheaded  on  the 

1  At  the  battle  of  Villalar,  in  1521,  the  last  free  institutions  so 
long  prevalent  in  Spain  were  finally  destroyed.  Captains  Padilla 
and  Juan  Bravo,  the  leaders  of  the  Commons  (Los  Comuneros), 
were  taken  and  beheaded. 

'  Obedezco  pero  no  cumplo. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  191 

spot  had  not  one  Captain  Alvarado^  protected  him  and 
begged  hard  for  his  life.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who  very  likely 
did  not  care  to  push  the  matter  to  extremity  with  his  old 
comrade  in  arms,  spared  Belalcazar's  life,  on  the  condition 
that  he  returned  at  once  to  his  own  government.  On  his 
return  to  Cali  he  learned  that  Jorge  Robledo,  the  lieutenant 
Vv'hom  he  had  sent  to  explore  the  Cauca  valley  and  who  had 
slipped  away  to  Spain,  had  been  named  governor  of  Antio- 
quia  and  created  "marshal.  By  a  forced  march  across  the 
mountain  paths  that  lead  from  Uraba  to  Antioquia,  paths 
that  to-day  are  hardly  traversable  and  at  that  time  had 
only  been  attempted  by  the  hardiest  conquerors,  he  surprised 
the  new-made  marshal,  and  in  a  night  attack  made  him  a 
prisoner.  Marshal  Robledo,  who  might  have  got  away, 
relying  on  the  fame  of  Belalcazar's  generosity,  gave  himself 
up  without  resistance,  not  thinking  that  his  life  could  be  in 
danger  at  the  hands  of  his  old  friend. 

This  time  he  counted  quite  without  his  host,  for  Belalcazar, 
after  reproaching  him  both  as  a  traitor  and  deserter  of  his 
friend,  and  as  a  base  usurper  of  his  rule,  instantly  had  him 
hanged.  This  cruel  action,  the  only  crime  of  a  like  nature 
that  Belalcazar  is  ever  known  to  have  committed,  remains 
a  blot  upon  his  fame  that  nothing  can  wipe  out.  Without 
it  history  might  have  numbered  him  amongst  the  best  of 
all  the  conquerors,  as  he  was  certainly  one  of  the  bravest  in 
the  field. 

After  a  month  or  two  he  once  again  got  orders  from  Peru 
to  raise  an  army  for  the  royal  cause  to  help  the  President  La 
Gasca,  who  had  arrived  from  Spain. 

Always  a  staunch  adherent  of  the  royal  cause,  Belalcazar, 
for  the  third  time,  marched  into  Peru  with  a  well-ordered 
force.  He  was  present  at  the  final  struggle  of  the  Pizarro 
faction,  against  the  royalists  at  the  great  battle  of  Xaquiza- 
guana,  where  he  was  general  of  La  Gasca's  cavalry.  After 
the  battle  he  was  publicly  thanked  for  his  great  services,  and 
returned  home  in  triumph  to  his  own  government. 

1  This  Alvarado  was  a  brother  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  chief 
captain  of  Cortes,  in  Mexico. 


192  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

There  he  found  the  Oidor^  Briceno  waiting  for  him, 
armed  with  a  mission  to  take  his  residence^ — that  is,  to 
inquire  into  all  matters  of  his  government. 

This  man  Briceno  was  about  to  marry  Jorge  Robledo's 
widow,  Doria  Maria  Carbajal,  a  lady  who,  since  her  husband 
had  been  hanged,  had  never  ceased  to  clamour  for  revenge 
upon  his  murderer.  Though  there  was  no  doubt  of  Belal- 
cazar's  guilt  in  regard  to  Robledo's  death,  in  the  affairs 
of  his  own  government  he  was  above  reproach,  always 
having  been  the  soul  of  honour  in  all  money  matters.  Still, 
in  the  circumstances  of  the  marriage  with  Doiia  Maria 
Carbajal,  Briceilo  naturally  was  biased,  and  he  condemned 
Belalcazar  to  the  death  penalty,  solely  upon  the  count  of 
the  execution  of  Robledo. 

To  condemn  and  carry  out  the  sentence  in  the  town  of 
Popayan,  where  the  inhabitants  adored  their  governor,  and 
most  of  them  had  been  his  soldiers  in  his  many  expeditions 
to  Peru,  were  very  different  things.  Instantly  Belalcazar 
wrote  to  the  emperor,  getting  his  friends  to  become  surety 
for  him,  and  sadly  set  out  on  his  return  to  Spain.  So  much 
did  the  disgrace  of  having  to  appear  before  the  emperor  as  a 
criminal  weigh  upon  his  mind,  that  on  arriving  at  the  port 
of  Cartagena,  he  fell  seriously  ill. 

Don  Pedro  de  Heredia,  who  at  the  time  was  governor 
of  the  town,  a  man  who  had  himself  experienced  every 
vicissitude  of  fortune,  strove  hard  to  comfort  him,  taking 
him  as  a  guest  into  his  house,  and  treating  him  with  the 
consideration  that  his  great  services  deserved.  All  was  in 
vain,  and  Belalcazar,  after  a  short  illness,  died,  and  was 
buried  in  the  cathedral.  Grief,  more  than  any  actual  illness, 
hastened  his  decease,  for  the  proud  spirit  that  had  stood  up 
so  bravely  against  the  vicissitudes  of  his  strange,  adventurous 
career  was  broken  by  disgrace. 

His  life  was  like  a  page  in  a  romance  of  chivalry.  From 
his  first  exploit  in  the  muddy  lane  hard  by  the  little  town 

^  Oidor — literally,  a  hearer.    These  were  j  udges  specially  appointed 
for  cases  of  the  kind. 
^  Tomarle  la  residencia. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  193 

from  which  he  took  his  name  adventure  dogged  his  path. 
A  conqueror  of  Peru,  and  an  explorer  of  the  wilderness, 
governor,  general,  and  statesman,  he  filled  many  offices,  and 
saw  much  world,^  as  say  his  countrymen ;  but  nothing  in  his 
whole  career  was  more  romantic  or  more  strange  than  his 
first  meeting  with  his  two  rivals  on  the  plains  of  Bogota- 
All  the  inhabitants  of  Cartagena  honoured  his  funeral  and 
lamented  him,  and  Don  Pedro  de  Heredia  buried^  him 
splendidly.  Thus  died  Belalcazar,  disgraced  and  broken- 
hearted, a  man  who,  but  for  one  blot  on  his  name,  stands  in 
the  first  rank  of  the  conquerors. 

*  Vi6  mucho  mundo. 

2  El  Don  Pedro  de  Heredia  puso  luto 

Con  los  demas  vecinos  principales 

Haciendole  sepulcho  bien  instruto 

Honrosos  y  cumplidos  funerales 

Y  encima  de  la  tumba  do  yacia 

Pusieron  una  letra  que  decia. 

Ista  Belalcazar  potuit  concludere  tumba 
Ipsius  ad  famam  claudere  non  valuit 
Succubit  fatis  qua  passim  Candida  turbunt 
Gesta  tamen  calamo  sunt  celebranda  pio. 

"  Elegias  de  Varones  Ilustres  de  Indias,"  part  3, 
Juan  de  Castellanos.     (Madrid,  1589.) 


13 


CHAPTER  XV 

QuESADA  landed  in  Lisbon  late  in  the  year  1539,  and  whilst 
Federman  and  Belalcazar  posted  at  once  straight  to  Madrid 
to  see  the  emperor,  unfortunately  for  himself  he  stayed  in 
Lisbon,  where  he  seems  to  have  acted  most  imprudently. 
There  he  fell  in  with  Don  Hernando  Pizarro,  one  of  the 
brothers  of  the  conqueror  of  Peru.  The  two  seem  to  have 
had  a  spell  of  gambling  and  feast-making,  a  course  of  conduct 
singularly  unlike  any  Quesada  had  pursued  whilst  in  America, 
and  the  more  imprudent  on  account  of  the  presence  of  his 
greatest  enemy,  Don  Alonso  de  Lugo,  at  the  court. 

How  it  occurred  is  wrapped  in  mystery,  or  rather  in  that 
fog  of  history  as  dense  as  that  of  war,  that  frequently 
descends  upon  most  interesting  events,  blotting  them  out 
completely  from  our  view.  The  fact  remains  that  both 
Quesada  and  Pizarro  were  sent  to  prison  for  gambling  after 
hours. 

Whilst  there,  an  incident  occurred  that  showed  him 
rather  in  the  light  of  a  swaggering  soldier  than  as  the  prudent 
gentleman  he  was.  It  is  said  that,  when  she  brought  a 
stoup  of  wine  to  him  as  he  sat  playing  cards  in  prison,  the 
gaoler's  daughter  asked  him  for  half  a  dollar,^  and  he, 
sweeping  his  winnings  from  the  board  into  her  apron,  poured 
a  hundred  dollars  in  her  lap. 

Another  time  the  same  wench,^  happening  to  pass  close 
to  the  card-table  where  Quesada  sat  with  Hernando  Pizarro, 
Pedro  Almanes,  and  various  Peruvians,^  one  of  them  gave 
the  girl  a  dollar,  for  what  is  called  "  barato,"  so  as  to  bring 
him  luck .     Each  gave  her  something,  according  to  his  means ; 

1  ".   .  .  le  pidio  la  carcelera  un  real  de  a  cuatro  ":  Fray  Simon. 
^  La  misma  mozuela.  3  y  otros  Peruleros. 

194 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  195 

but  once  again  Quesada  overtopped  them  all,  with  a  hundred 
ducats,  making  all  marvel  at  his  prodigality. 

The  similarity  of  the  sum  recorded  in  both  the  stories, 
and  the  fact  that  the  "  same  wench  "  was  the  recipient, 
seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  the  tale  has  been  repeated 
twice,  or  that  the  gaoler's  daughter  was  a  good-looking 
girl. 

The  story  was  first  set  about  by  Rodriguez  Fresle,^ 
a  man  who  lived  nearly  all  his  life  in  Bogota,  and  could  have 
had  it  only  by  report. 

Quesada's  enemies  naturally  made  capital  of  it  against 
him,  and  Piedrahita,  who  was  unfavourable  to  nearly  all 
Quesada  did,  repeats  it  in  his  own  Chronicle,  and  makes 
the  most  of  it.  The  fact  remains  that,  for  sitting  late  at 
cards,  Quesada  and  Hernando  Pizarro  were  sent  to  prison, 
most  likely  for  a  day  or  two,  and  the  whole  story  of 
the  gaoler's  daughter  and  her  apron  full  of  gold  may  be 
apocryphal.  One  thing  is  certain,  that  Quesada  wasted 
precious  time  in  Lisbon,  instead  of  posting  off  to  court. 

Early  in  1540  Quesada  seems  to  have  been  in  Seville,  as 
Piedrahita,  in  the  Chronicle,  speaks  of  a  note  in  the  registers 
of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  de  Sevilla,  mentioning  Quesada, 
and  saying  that  he  had  been  there,  stating  he  was  upon 
his  journey  to  Madrid  to  give  the  emperor  a  full  account 
of  all  his  conquests  and  of  the  riches  of  the  new  kingdom  of 
Granada.  He  had  a  box  with  him  containing  eleven 
thousand  dollars'  worth  of  gold  and  five  hundred  and 
seventy-two  emeralds,  that  constituted  the  royal  fifth.^ 

Quesada's  pulse  must  have  beat  high  when  he  once  more 
found  himself  in  Spain,  not  now  an  unknown  lawyer,  but  a 

1  "  El  Carnero  Bogotano." 

2  "Y  por  los  apuntes  y  registros  de  la  Casa  de  Contratacion  de 
Sevilla  consta.  El  Licenciado  Ximenez  hizo  relacion  como  venia 
a  dar  cuenta  de  la  conquista  y  riqueza  del  Nuevo  Reino,  de  donde 
traia  una  cajita  con  572  esmeraldas  y  hasta  11,000  pesos  de  oro  de 
quintos  de  su  S.M.  y  descubra  presentarlo  en  la  Corte  como  venia 
y  asi  le  mando  a  los  officiales  de  Sevilla  se  lo  entreguen  sin  abrir  por 
cedula  de  Madrid  de  17  de  Noviembre  de  1539  ":  Piedrahita,  "  His- 
toria  General  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada," 
p.  181.     (Madrid,  1688.) 


196  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

conqueror.  He  certainly  had  the  right  to  hope  he  would 
be  rewarded  on  the  same  scale  as  were  the  conquerors  of 
Mexico  and  of  Peru. 

What  he  had  achieved  was  not  inferior  to  the  deeds  that 
they  had  done,  though  on  a  smaller  scale.  It  is  true  he  had 
set  out  from  Santa  Marta  under  a  capitulation  with  the 
Adelantado  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo  as  his  lieutenant,  and  at  the 
time  it  was  well  understood  that  he  was  a  subordinate,  and 
all  the  conquests  were  in  the  Adelantado's  name.  Un- 
doubtedly the  Adelantado  had  pledged  all  his  resources  to 
fit  Quesada's  expedition  out,  and  had  he  been  alive,  it  would 
have  been  Quesada's  bounden  duty  to  report  to  him. 
However,  death  had  removed  him,  and  a  new  governor 
reigned  in  his  stead,  to  whom  Quesada  was  not  bound  by  ties 
of  duty,  or  by  sentiment. 

Still,  Don  Alonso  de  Lugo  was  a  dangerous  enemy. 
Nothing  weighed  more  in  the  court  of  Charles  V.  than  family 
connections,  and  Don  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo,  by  his  marriage 
with  Doiia  Beatriz  Noroiia  de  Mendoza,  had  secured  himself 
against  all  competitors.  His  wife's  sister,  Doiia  Maria  de 
Mendoza,  was  the  wife  of  Don  Francisco  de  los  Cobos,  the 
secretary  of  Charles  V.  These  two  ladies  were  the  pro- 
tectresses of  Don  Alonso  against  Quesada's  claims.  How- 
ever, Don  Alonso  had  another  advocate.  When  he  arrived 
in  Spain,  after  having  stolen  his  father's  money  and  his  ship,^ 
he  brought  with  him  some  fifteen  thousand  gold  castellanos,^ 
and  made  good  use  of  them,  in  order  to  make  friends.  By 
their  aid  he  secured  his  high-bom  wife,  and  by  a  lavish  use 
of  bribery  blocked  all  Quesada's  claims. 

Unluckily  for  Quesada,  the  governorship  of  Santa  Marta 
had  been  granted  to  the  Lugos  for  two  lives.  Thus,  legally^ 
Don  Alonso's  claim  was  strong.  His  conduct  does  not  seem 
to  have  outweighed  his  legal  claim,  for  on  his  arrival  with 
the  ship  and  money  he  had  stolen,  he  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned;  but  it  appears  only  for  the  sake  of  form.     He 

1  See  Chapter  I. 

2  The  castellano  was  the  fiftieth  part  of  the  gold  mark,  and  may 
perhaps  be  taken  therefore  as  worth  about  eleven  dollars. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  197 

was  soon  released,  most  probably  the  fifteen  thousand  caste- 
llanos  forming  an  efficient  key,  and  in  a  month  or  two  married 
into  the  Mendoza  family. 

At  once  he  claimed  his  father's  governorship  of  Santa 
Marta,  and  alleged  that  the  new  territory  of  Bogota,  towards 
whose  conquest  he  had  not  moved  a  finger,  fell  within  his 
rule.  Nothing  could  well  have  been  less  just,  or  less  within 
the  bounds  of  common  sense.  A  thousand  miles  lay  between 
Santa  Marta  and  Bogota.  No  two  countries  of  the  world 
were  more  entirely  different  from  one  another.  One  situated 
in  the  hottest  tropics  on  the  coast;  the  other  in  a  high 
plateau  with  a  temperate  climate  in  the  hills. 

Although  Quesada  certainly  had  entered  into  a  capitula- 
tion with  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo  before  he  set  out  on  his 
expedition,  the  capitulation  contained  no  word  about  the 
son,  for  after  his  desertion  his  father  had  renounced  his 
utterly.  The  honour  of  the  conquest  was  Quesada's 
certainly,  and  Charles  V.  owed  a  debt  not  easy  to  repay. 
Unluckily  for  Spain,  neither  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  nor  his 
son  Philip  ever  rewarded  faithful  services,  or,  in  most  cases, 
did  so  grudgingly. 

The  great  Cortes  died  poor  and  broken-hearted,  and  the 
great  Captain  Gonzalo  de  Cordoba  was  thwarted  all  his  life, 
and  his  plans  often  rendered  nugatory  by  the  king's  jealousy. 
He  died  in  enforced  retirement  on  his  estates. 

The  Duke  of  Alba,  one  of  the  first  commanders  of  the  age, 
a  man  who  had  not  hesitated  to  bathe  the  Spanish  name  in 
blood  in  the  Low  Countries  to  serve  his  monarch,  was  several 
times  disgraced;  but  in  his  case  Philip  was  obliged  to  call 
him  from  his  retirement  in  his  old  age  to  conquer  Portugal. 

Charles,  in  regard  to  Quesada,  surpassed  himself  in  dull 
tenacity  of  purpose,  and  disregard  of  his  own  interests. 

As  soon  as  Quesada  had  got  over  his  little  bout  of  gambling 
in  Lisbon,  the  only  excess  of  the  kind  ever  recorded  of  him, 
he  went  post-haste  to  court.  It  was  unfortunate  that 
he  did  not  associate  himself  with  Belalcazar,  for  the  latter 
was  persona  grata  with  Charles  V.,  as,  in  fact,  were  all  the 
conquerors    of    Peru.     However,    Belalcazar    quickly    dis- 


198  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

patched  his  business  and  returned  back  to  the  Indies,  and 
thus  the  chance  was  lost. 

Upon  arriving  at  Madrid,  Quesada  put  in  his  claim  to  be 
appointed  governor  of  the  country  he  had  discovered  and 
subdued.  Charles  V.  owed  him  the  acquisition  of  a  territory, 
larger  perhaps  than  Spain  even  in  those  days,  before  the 
whole  of  what  is  now  Colombia  had  been  occupied. 

Pizarro  and  Cortes  and  Belalcazar  all  three  had  been 
appointed  governors  of  the  respective  kingdoms  that  they 
had  added  to  the  dominion  of  the  emperor.  Most  likely,  for 
no  record  has  come  down  to  us  of  his  first  attempts,  Quesada 
came  to  court  with  too  much  confidence,  relying  on  his  merit, 
a  dangerous  attitude  to  adopt  with  emperors. 

Though  he  lacked  interest,  Quesada  did  not  want  for 
backing  of  another  kind,  for  he  had  all  that  was  most 
respectable  in  Spain  upon  his  side. 

A  statement  was  presented  to  the  emperor,  signed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Lugo,  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Seville,  the 
Count  of  Osorno,  of  the  great  Manrique  family,  and  others 
of  the  nobility  and  clergy,  in  Quesada's  favour.  It  set  forth 
that  he  had  made  his  conquest  of  El  Nuevo  Reino  de 
Granada  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  It  dwelt  upon  the  hardships 
he  had  undergone  and  the  many  battles  in  which  he  had 
been  engaged. 

The  document  declared  Quesada  was  a  godfearing 
Christian,  who  had  made  the  conquest  with  little  injury, 
either  to  the  natives  or  to  the  soldiers  he  had  led.  The 
petitioners  reminded  Charles  of  the  great  territories  Quesada 
had  brought  under  his  rule,  contrasting  all  that  he  had  done, 
with  the  one  exploit  of  Alonso  de  Lugo,  which  was  to  rob 
his  father  and  desert.  Lastly,  it  declared  Quesada  the 
most  fit  and  proper  man  to  rule  the  country  that  he  had 
subdued.^     In  a  postscript  the  emperor  was  reminded  that 

^  "  En  todo  el  tiempo  que  estuvo  en  las  Indias  y  anduvo  en  la 
dicha  conquista,  uso  muy  bien  y  como  buen  Cristiano  temeroso  de 
Dios,  sin  hacer  mal  ni  dano  ni  crueldad  a  los  Indies  ni  Espanoles. 
y  demas  desto  es  habil  y  tiene  experencia  grande  en  aquella  con- 
quista, y  por  tal  le  escogio  el  Adelantado  Don  Pedro  Hernandez  de 
Lugo  entre  mill  hombres  que  llevo  consigo  en  que  habia  gran  numero 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  199 

the  inhabitants  of  Bogota  had  all  petitioned  for  Quesada 
to  be  their  governor. 

Lastly,  the  great  Las  Casas,  the  Apostle  to  the  Indians, 
raised  his  voice  against  the  appointment  of  Alonso  de  Lugo 
to  the  post.  He  called  him  "  one  of  the  most  cruel  tyrants 
and  the  most  irrational,  .  .  .  and  with  less  conscience  than 
Barbarossa.  He  has  robbed  God's  honour,  and  has  also 
robbed  your  Majesty,  and  has  skinned^  both  Indians  and 
Christians." 

Las  Casas  goes  on  to  say  that  both  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  and  the  Comendador  Cobos  knew  well  what  sort  of 
man  Alonso  de  Lugo  really  was ;  still,  he  says  they  have  given 
the  sword  of  justice  to  a  man  so  hard  as  he  is.  We  shall  see 
who  will  give  the  strict  account  that  God  will  ask  of  him. 

A  curious  feature  of  the  whole  proceedings  is  that  whilst 
the  memorial  was  before  the  emperor,  and  the  claims  and 
counter-claims  were  being  agitated,  Quesada  never  seems 
to  have  gone  to  court.  He  may  have  been  in  Madrid,  for 
certainly  he  started  out  from  Seville  with  the  intention  of 
proceeding  there ;  but  he  apparently  never  had  speech  with 
Charles  V.  Extraordinary  as  this  may  seem,  Herrera,^ 
the  official  historian  of  the  Indies,  has  the  following : 

"  The  Licentiate  Gonzalo  Jimenez,  knowing  that  the 
governorship  was  given  to  the  Adelantado  Don  Alonso  Luis 
de  Lugo,  through  the  influence  of  petticoats,  did  not  go  to 
court,  either  because  the  king  had  gone  away,  or  because 
he  feared  the  great  favour  that  the  Adelantado  enjoyed."^ 

de  caballeros  e  hijos  dalgo,  y  le  nombro  su  lugar  Teniente  y  Capitan 
General  del  dicho  descubrimiento  y  confio  mas  del,  que  de  su  proprio 
hijo,  por  las  muchas  y  buenas  cualidades  que  habia  en  su  persona  " : 
"  El  Carnero  Bogotano,"  Rodriguez  Fresle. 

1  Archivos  Nacionales,  September  15th,  1544-  Printed  by 
Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  in  his  edition  of  the  Chronicle  of  Castellanos. 

2  "  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en  la  Islas 
y  Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oceano,"  Antonio  de  Herrera,  Madrid,  en 
la  Emprenta  Real,  1601. 

■5  "El  Licenciado  Gonzalo  Jimenez  sabiendo  que  la  Governacion 
estaba  dada  al  Adelantado  Don  Alonso  Luis  de  Lugo  (por  influencia 
de  faldas)  no  fue  a  la  Corte,  asi  por  ser  el  rey  partido,  como  porque 
temio  los  grandes  favores  del  Adelantado  ":  Herrera. 


200  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

No  historian  of  the  New  World  carries  more  weight  than 
does  Herrera.  If  he  was  sometimes  partial  in  his  judg- 
ments, he  was  invariably  accurate  in  regard  to  facts.  Thus 
we  may  take  this  passage  as  destructive  of  the  fooHsh  legend, 
first  set  about  by  Rodriguez  Fresle  in  his ' '  Carnero  Bogotano, ' ' 
and  copied  afterwards  by  Bishop  Piedrahita,  that  Quesada 
lost  his  appointment  owing  to  having  appeared  at  court 
wrapped  in  a  red  cloak.  If  he  did  not  frequent  the  court, 
as  Herrera  definitely  states,  this  could  not  have  been  the 
reason.  It  appears,  as  Herrera  himself  says,  to  have  been 
an  affair  of  petticoats,  not  cloaks,  that  lost  Quesada  his 
well-earned  governorship.  Quesada  was,  above  all  things, 
a  perfect  gentleman,  and  a  judicious  man.  The  court  of 
Charles  was  at  that  time  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  the 
Empress  Isabel.  All  the  world  knew  that  Charles  had  been 
deeply  attached  to  her,  and,  mourning  or  no  mourning, 
Charles  always  dressed  in  black. 

Having  been  brought  up  a  gentleman,  and  with  the  in- 
herited caution  he  was  likely  to  have  acquired  during  his  long 
years  of  practice  of  the  law,  Quesada  was  not  hkely  to  have 
committed  such  an  indecency.  The  report  reposes  only  on 
a  rumour  Piedrahita  copies  from  Rodriguez  Fresle,  which  he 
says  was  current  in  Bogota,^  that,  "  Quesada  went  to  court 
all  dressed  in  scarlet,  with  a  scarlet  cloak."  We  may 
dismiss  it  as  an  action  totally  unlike  any  other  action  of 
Quesada'slife,  and,  so,  incredible. 

Neither  Quesada's  services  nor  the  memorial,  signed  as  it 
was  by  people  of  great  weight  in  Spain,  nor  the  adverse 
criticisms  of  Las  Casas  upon  Lugo's  character,  were  of  the 
least  avail. 

Don  Alonso  was  confirmed  in  the  appointment  that  his 
father  had  enjoyed,  and  Bogota  and  the  New  Kingdom  of 
Granada  adjudged  to  fall  within  his  government.  No  more 
sinister  decision  could  have  been  taken,  both  as  regards 
the  Indians  or  the  Spanish  colonists.  The  dictum  of  Las 
Casas,  that  Lugo  had  less  conscience  than  the  pirate 
Barbarossa,  was  amply  justified. 

1  "  Segun  se  dijo  en  Santafd  "  (Bogota):  Piedrahita. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  201 

Charles  had  not  the  least  excuse  for  his  decision,  for  he 
says  himself,  writing  from  Brussels  on  the  13th  of  September. 
1540 :  "  As  regards  the  government  of  Santa  Marta,^  I  have 
heard  what  both  sides  have  to  say."  That  is,  after  having 
heard  the  wondrous  tale  of  Quesada's  strange  adventure, 
his  perils,  hardships,  battles,  and  all  the  difficulties  he  had  to 
meet,  he  chose  the  robber  of  his  father's  gold  and  base 
deserter  of  his  duty  to  fill  the  hero's  place. 

After  the  perpetration  of  this  injustice  on  him,  Quesada 
went  to  France  and  Flanders,  where  he  remained  a  year,  and 
not  improbably  wrote  one  or  more  of  his  lost  books.  During 
his  absence  he  was  tried  before  the  Court  of  the  Council  of 
the  Indies  for  his  participation  in  the  torture  and  the  death 
of  the  last  Zipa  of  Bogota.  He  was  condemned  to  five 
years'  exile  from  Granada,  to  which  place,  it  appears,  he  had 
returned,  and  to  a  fine  of  a  thousand  ducats.  The  fine  it 
is  uncertain  if  he  ever  paid,  as  it  was  impossible  to  condemn 
Manlius  in  the  sight  of  the  Capitol. 

The  exile  does  not  seem  to  have  much  troubled  him, 
for,  for  the  next  ten  years,  he  travelled  over  most  of  the 
countries  of  Europe,  quite  contentedly ,2  coming  back  now 
and  then  to  Spain.  What  he  did  all  the  time  has  never  been 
revealed;  but  as  the  list  of  his  known  works  is  quite  an 
ample^  one,  most  likely  Hterary  work  engrossed  a  good  part 
of  his  life. 

Captain  Don  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo,  the  writer 
on  the  natural  history  of  the  Indies,  met  Quesada  in 
Valladohd  and  in  Madrid  in  1547  and  1548,  and  refers  to 
him  as  an  "  honourable  man,  of  a  good  understanding,  and 
very  able.'"* 

It  is  supposed  that  Oviedo  got  many  of  the  details  of  his 
adventures  in  New  Granada  from  him.     Oviedo  says  he 

1  Cuanto  a  la  gobernacion  de  Santa  Marta,  he  visto  lo  que  unos 
y  otros  decis. 

2  "  Piso  muy  a  lo  verde  las  provincias  de  Europa  ":  Fray  Simon. 

3  See  Appendix  I. 

*  "  Hombre  honrado  de  gentil  entendimiento  y  muy  habil  " : 
"  Historia  Natural  y  General  de  las  Indias,"  Gonzalo  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo. 


202  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

had  a  large  notebook^  of  Quesada's  in  his  possession  for  many 
days. 

Oviedo's  four  and  twenty  chapters  on  the  conquest  of 
New  Granada  constitute  one  of  the  most  authentic  records 
of  that  conquest  that  we  possess.  The  closest  scrutiny  has 
not  hitherto  revealed  much  of  Quesada's  life  in  Spain  and 
Flanders,  Germany,  Italy,  and  the  other  "  provincias  de 
Europa"^  that  he  visited  during  the  twelve  years  he  passed 
away  from  Bogota.  It  may  be  that  an  examination  of  the 
archives  in  Bogota,  or  some  othcrof  the  old  cities  of  Colombia, 
may  contain  documents  that  will  prove  valuable  to  future 
writers  on  his  life. 

However,  it  was  not  in  Europe  that  the  adventures  fate 
still  had  in  store  for  him  were  destined  to  be  passed. 

•  Un  gran  cuaderno.  ^  Fray  Simon. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Had  Alonso  de  Lugo  wished  to  discredit  the  judgment  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  he  hardly  could  have  imagined 
any  more  successful  course  than  that  which  he  adopted  in 
his  new  government.  As  he  was  in  favour  both  at  court 
and  with  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  he  had  no  difficulty  in 
getting  together  his  expedition,  for  adventurers,  attracted 
by  the  fame  of  the  new  conquest,  flocked  to  him  readily. 
He  sailed  from  Spain  with  a  well-appointed  fleet,  taking  on 
board  with  him  horses  and  cattle  for  his  new  government 
of  Santa  Marta  and  of  Bogota. 

In  the  year  1542  he  was  off  El  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  where  in 
these  days  there  was  an  important  pearl  fishery.  As  this 
place  fell  within  the  territory  of  Santa  Marta,  he  called 
upon  the  government  officials  to  give  him  the  twelfth  part 
of  all  the  pearls  they  had  in  store.  They  not  unnaturally 
refused.  Don  Alonso  had  the  coffers  in  which  they  kept 
the  pearls  ready  to  send  to  Spain  violently  broken  open, 
and  appropriated  the  greater  part  of  their  contents. 

It  was  not  very  far  from  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela  that  he  stole 
the  ship  and  left  his  father  in  the  lurch.  Thus,  for  the 
second  time,  and  nearly  in  the  same  place,  he  showed  that 
love  of  money  was  the  mainspring  of  his  actions,  and  to 
obtain  it  no  baseness  or  no  violence  seems  to  have  frightened 
him. 

From  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela  he  sent  on  some  of  his  officers 
to  Santa  Marta  to  prepare  ships  of  lighter  burden  for  the 
voyage  up  the  Magdalena,  for  he  determined  to  make  his 
capital  in  Bogota.  It  may  have  been  that  shame  deterred 
him  from  appearing  in  Santa  Marta,  where  the  inhabitants 
all  knew  about  his  base  desertion  of  his  father,  a  man  they  all 
had  loved.     To  avoid  the  city,  he  determined  to  disembark 

203 


204  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

upon  the  coast,  traverse  the  Valle  de  Upar,  and  strike  the 
Magdalcna  at  a  point  agreed  upon,  some  distance  up  the 
stream,  where  he  had  given  orders  that  the  ships  should 
wait  for  him. 

The  journey,  even  to-day,  would  be  a  serious  undertaking, 
for  the  country  lying  between  the  coast  and  the  Valle  de 
Upar  is  wild  and  mountainous.  Still  wandering  tribes  of 
Indians  dwell  in  the  forests  and  attack  isolated  travellers. 
As  soon  as  he  advanced  into  the  interminable  woods,  the 
Aruaco  and  the  Guanebacan  Indians  fell  upon  his  troops. 

Though  the  Indians  were  miserably  armed,  and  Don 
Alonso's  men  were  all  equipped  in  the  best  outfit  to  be 
procured  in  Spain,  their  ignorance  of  colonial  warfare  exposed 
them  readily  to  Indian  attacks.  The  flights  of  poisoned 
arrows  launched  upon  them  from  the  woods  did  them  con- 
siderable damage,  for  they  were  not  provided  with  the 
quilted  armour  worn  by  Quesada's  men.^ 

Don  Alonso's  expedition  crossed  La  Sierra  de  la  Herrera, 
and  emerged  upon  the  Magdalena  at  Tamalameque,  that 
by  this  time  had  grown  into  a  town.  Passing  the  Sierra 
some  of  the  cattle  he  had  disembarked  got  lost,  and  becoming 
wild,  there  grew  up  herds  of  wild  cattle  that  were  still 
in  existence  during  the  Independence  wars  against  the 
Spaniards. 

Once  on  the  river  all  should  have  been  plain  sailing,  for 
the  way  that  at  the  time  of  Quesada's  expedition  was  an 
unblazed  trail  was  now  well  known,  and  pretty  frequent 
communication  was  established  between  the  coast  and 
Bogota.  Although  he  followed  almost  exactly  in  Quesada's 
tracks,  his  difficulties  were  immense.  The  Indians  with 
fleets  of  canoes  attacked  him  as  they  had  attacked  the 
Conqueror,  but  with  more  system,  as  they  were  led  by  a 
youth  called  Francisquillo,  brought  up  and  educated  in 
Santa  Marta  by  the  missionaries.  This  youth  had  returned 
back  to  heathendom,  and  had  become  the  greatest  danger 
to  the  Spaniards  on  their  transit  up  and  down  the  river  from 
the  coast.  All  the  way  up  from  Tamalameque  to  the 
*  See  Chapter  II. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  205 

entrance  of  the  valley  of  Opon  he  harassed  Don  Alonso's 
fleet,  taking  considerable  toll  of  boats  and  men  by  his 
guerrilla  attacks. 

The  expedition  disembarked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Opon, 
following  Quesada's  trail.  Hunger  and  sickness  and  con- 
stant Indian  attacks  so  decimated  them  that  three  times 
they  were  on  the  point  of  turning  back  to  Santa  Marta,  and 
would  have  done  so  had  not  the  colonists  of  the  town  of 
Velez  heard  of  their  plight  and  sent  guides  and  provisions 
to  encourage  them.  With  their  assistance  the  expedition 
gained  the  plains,  with  a  considerable  loss  of  prestige,  for 
all  allowed  that  Don  Alonso,in  following  a  well-known  road, 
hadsufferedmore  losses  thanhadQuesada  marching  through 
the  primeval  woods.  So  greatly  was  the  prestige  of  the 
Spaniards  diminished  by  Don  Alonso's  expedition  that  the 
route  to  the  plains  by  the  valley  of  Opon  had  to  be  given 
up.  The  settlers  chose  another  by  the  River  Carare  that 
runs  very  nearly  parallel  to  the  Opon,  and  on  its  banks  they 
set  up  stores  and  blockhouses.  The  change  was  for  the 
better,  for  the  road  to  Velez  was  shortened  by  it ;  but  the 
poor  Indians  were  the  sufferers.  The  Spaniards,  having  at 
that  time  no  beasts  of  burden,  made  the  Indians  carry  their 
supphes  and  merchandise,  not  caring  how  they  overloaded 
them  or  how  many  of  them  died.  This  cruel  treatment 
and  the  continual  outbreaks  that  it  occasioned,  with  a 
great  epidemic  of  the  smallpox,  reduced  the  population 
of  those  vaUeys  from  more  than  two  hundred  thousand, 
as  had  been  estimated  at  the  conquest,  to  about  one 
thousand  six  hundred  souls,  in  the  short  space  of  eighty 
years. ^ 

As  soon  as  Don  Alonso  actually  arrived  in  Bogota, 
he  set  about  a  system  of  peculation  of  an  ingenious 
kind. 

AU  over  South  America,  when  the  conquest  was  achieved, 
the  conquerors  shared  out  the  Indians  by  systems  known 

I  Fray  Simon's  "  Noticias  Historiales  de  las  Conquistas  de  Tierra 
Firme  en  las  Indias  Occidentales  "  was  printed  at  Cuenca  in  1627. 
He  gives  the  above  figures  of  the  decrease  of  the  Indians. 


2o6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

variously  as  Encomiendas^  and  Repartimientos.  As  nearly 
all  the  original  conquerors  held  these  Encomiendas  from 
the  Crown,  they  were  exempt  from  the  exactions  of  the 
governors;  Don  Alonso,  either  by  force  or  by  cajolery, 
persuaded  most  of  these  Encomienda  holders  to  renounce 
their  rights  to  him,  alleging  that  they  wanted  certain 
formalities  to  put  them  straight  in  law.  Those  who  were 
foolish  enough  to  fall  in  with  his  plan  were  stripped  of  all 
that  they  possessed,  for  Don  Alonso,  on  one  pretext  or 
another,  always  deferred  the  legitimizing  of  the  title,  and 
in  the  meantime  drew  the  rents  himself,  treating  the  unlucky 
Indians  who  went  with  the  land  with  every  cruelty. 

By  degrees  he  got  into  his  hands  almost  the  entire  revenues 
of  the  kingdom,  and  became  immoderately  rich.  Captain 
Gonzalo  Suarez  Rondon  was  at  the  time  one  of  the  most 
influential  men  in  Bogota.  One  of  Quesada's  captains,  his 
old  general,  had  left  him  orders  before  he  sailed  for  Spain 
to  found  a  town  at  Tocaima,  and  he  was  just  about  to  start 
to  do  so  when  Don  Alonso  entered  upon  his  governorship. 
As  Captain  Suarez  Rondon  was  much  respected  by  the 
colonists,  he  made  himself  their  spokesman  to  the  governor 
and  complained  of  his  injustice.  For  answer  Don  Alonso 
seized  him  and  his  son,  threw  them  into  prison,  and  con- 
fiscated all  their  property. 

Had  he  displayed  the  same  activity  in  pacifying  the  out- 
lying tribes  that  he  put  forth  in  persecuting  his  own  country- 
men, he  would  have  made  a  stirring  governor;  for  his 
audacity  was  great,  his  will  was  iron,  and  he  recoiled  before 
no  difficulty  in  carrying  out  his  plans.     His  one  achieve- 

»  An  Encomienda  was  in  its  first  origin  a  military  fief  that  carried 
certain  duties  and  privileges  with  it.  In  America,  it  was  a  fief 
held  from  the  Crown  granting  to  its  holder  the  labour  of  the  Indians 
and  the  duty  of  teaching  them  the  Christian  religion,  doctrine,  and 
precepts.  The  system  became  much  abused  and  the  Indians 
practically  slaves.  The  code  known  as  the  Laws  of  the  Indies 
dealt  severely  with  the  abuses  of  the  Encomiendas  and  Reparti- 
mientos. There  was  also  another  system  known  as  La  Mita,  that 
was  originally  a  choosing  by  lot  in  the  Indian  villages  of  men  suitable 
to  be  employed  in  public  works.  It  became  chiefly  applicable  to 
mines,  and  was  turned  into  the  most  cruel  slavery. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  207 

ment  was  to  found  Tocaima  and  subdue  the  Panche  Indians. 
Even  this  he  did  not  execute  in  person ;  but  sent  out  Captain 
Hernan  Vanegas  with  a  small  expedition  to  do  it  in  his  name. 
This  Captain  Vanegas  accomplished,  after  some  fighting 
with  the  Panches,  and  in  the  year  1544  founded  Tocaima 
and  took  possession  of  the  surrounding  territory  in  the 
name  of  Charles  V. 

Quesada,  just  before  he  had  returned  to  Spain,  had 
delegated  his  authority  to  his  brother  Hernan  Perez  de 
Quesada,  leaving  him  as  his  deputy,  with  full  power  to 
govern  in  his  name.  Unluckily  for  him,  Hernan  Perez, 
seduced  as  v/ere  so  many  others  by  the  false  vision  of  the 
Golden  City  of  the  plains,  had  set  out  several  months  before 
the  new  governor  arrived,  had  encountered  many  hardships^ 
and  had  been  forced  to  return,  after  the  loss  of  nearly  all 
his  men.  On  his  return  to  Bogota,  thin,  miserable,  and  ill, 
an  object  of  compassion  to  the  inhabitants,  with  whom  he 
was  extremely  popular,  Don  Alonso  seized  him  with  a 
younger  brother  who  had  just  come  from  Peru,  and  after 
keeping  him  in  prison  for  a  considerable  time  banished 
them  from  the  land. 

This  was  the  finishing  stroke  to  Don  Alonso's  popularity, 
and  in  spite  of  his  court  favour  and  the  numerous  ex- 
pedition that  had  accompanied  him,  he  saw  that  his  banish- 
ment of  the  brothers  of  the  discoverer  and  founder  of  the 
country  would  bring  about  a  rising  of  the  inhabitants  against 
him  that  might  deprive  him  of  his  power,  and  possibly  of 
life.  From  that  time  he  devoted  himself  to  amassing  wealth 
by  confiscation  of  estates,  fines,  and  by  appropriating  all 
the  emeralds  from  the  mines.  The  unfortunate  royal 
commissioners  who  had  charge  of  the  mines  having  pro- 
tested to  him  of  his  conduct,  he  had  them  arrested  and 
imprisoned ;  but  luckily  for  them  they  managed  to  escape, 
and  finding  a  ship  in  Cartagena  just  about  to  sail,  they  went 

''■  On  this  unfortunate  expedition,  the  "  conquering  "  donkey 
Marubare  was  killed  and  eaten.  Fray  Requesada  rode  him  to  the 
last,  and  pleaded  hard  for  his  life ;  btit  the  starving  soldiery,  pushed 
by  the  extremity  of  hunger,  killed  and  devoured  him. 


2o8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

to  Santo  Domingo  in  her,  and  lodged  a  protest  in  the  court, 
known  as  La  Real  Audicncia,  against  the  governor.  Alonso 
dc  Lugo  was  furious  at  their  escape,  and  in  revenge  he  hung 
an  unlucky  notary  who  had  championed  their  cause. 

The  Quesadas  were  beyond  his  vengeance.  At  the  first 
notice  of  the  decree  of  banishment,  Heman  Perez  deQuesada 
and  his  brother  Francisco  at  once  went  down  the  river,  and 
by  so  doing  probably  saved  their  hves.  In  Cartagena  they 
took  ship  for  Cuba,  and  on  the  passage  Heman  Perez  was 
struck  by  lightning  and  died  instantly. 

In  Bogota,  though  he  was  very  much  beloved,  the  people 
held  it  was  on  account  of  his  share  in  the  death  of  the  last 
Zipa  that  divine  vengeance  had  overtaken  him.  This  may 
have  been  so,  for  into  the  ways  of  Providence  we  have 
no  means  of  penetrating;  but  it  seems  curious  that  the  same 
lightning  flash  that  kiUed  Heman  should  at  the  same  time 
have  killed  Francisco,  who  was  standing  at  his  side,  and 
who  was  far  away  in  Cuzco  when  the  last  Zipa  was  condemned 
to  death. 

The  death  of  Heman  Perez  de  Quesada  removed  one 
of  the  most  energetic  of  the  first  conquerors.  Heman  had 
been  his  brother's  right-hand  man  from  the  first  moment 
that  Quesada's  expedition  sailed  from  Santa  Marta  at  the 
discovery.  In  all  the  perils  and  the  hardships  of  the  first 
tremendous  year  of  wandering  in  the  dank  forests  of  the 
Magdalena,  Hernan  had  never  failed.  First  in  the  fight, 
and  ever  last  to  retire  from  combat,  he  never  spared  himself. 
His  brother  owed  him  much,  and  reposed  his  confidence  in 
him  more  than  in  any  of  his  other  captains,  appointing  him 
his  Heutenant-general  when  he  sailed  for  Spain.  It  is  most 
probable  that,  had  Heman  Perez  known  about  the  coming 
of  Don  Alonso,  he  would  not  have  gone  away  upon  his 
expedition  to  the  Llanos  to  lose  his  credit  and  his  men. 

On  his  return  to  Bogota  Quesada  must  have  often  missed 
his  energetic  brother,  who  had  always  stood  to  him  in  evil 
and  in  good  repute,  and  all  the  citizens  of  Bogota  mourned 
and  regretted  him. 

Hernan  Perez  was  a  man  of  a  good  presence,  robust  and 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  209 

powerful,  and,  above  all  things,  most  agreeable  to  all  he 
had  to  do  with;  temperate^  in  good  fortune,  he  suffered 
reverses  patiently.  Of  pleasant  manners,  he  had  the  gift 
of  governing  men,  and  he  was  notable  for  his  skill  in  horse- 
manship. In  fact,  a  conqueror,  with  all  the  virtues  and  the 
vices  of  the  age  he  lived  in.  His  death  was  such  as  he 
himself  might  well  have  desired,  could  he  have  seen  his  fate. 
He  must  have  been  a  year  or  two  past  forty.  His  name 
was  made,  and  is  still  unforgotten  in  the  country  that  he 
did  so  much  to  discover  and  to  subjugate.  No  Indian 
arrow,  shot  from  a  clump  of  guaduas,  found  some  weak 
spot  in  his  armour,  causing  him  an  agonizing  death.  He 
did  not  die  upon  the  scaffold,  as  did  so  many  of  the  con- 
querors. The  assassin's  dagger  did  not  make  away  with 
him,  as  in  the  case  of  the  great  conqueror  of  Peru.  Fevers 
and  hardships,  perils  by  land  and  sea,  had  left  him  all 
unscathed.  He  was  reserved  for  fire  direct  from  heaven. 
It  may  be  that  it  struck  him  standing  on  the  high  poop  of 
the  galleon,  talking  with  his  brother  of  more  conquests. 
Perhaps  his  last  glance  saw  the  tall,  white  peaks  that  tower 
above  the  town  of  Santa  Marta  in  the  far  distance,  illumined 
for  a  moment  in  the  flash  that  struck  him  dead.  At  any 
rate,  age  had  not  touched  him,  and  the  hand  so  apt  upon 
the  bridle,  had  not  grown  feeble,  or  the  legs  lost  their  grip. 
He  died  as  he  had  lived,  suddenly  and  without  warning: 
the  death  that  every  man  who  knows  well  how  to  govern 
men  and  horses  would  choose,  if  such  things  were  in  the 
choice  of  men.  He  sleeps  at  sea,  the  fittest  burial-place  for 
conquerors,  and  his  place  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest  of 
the  New  World  is  beside  Belalcazar,  Gonzalo  de  Sylvestre, 
Nuflo  de  Chaves,  and  the  rest  of  the  bold  riders  who  crowd 
the  ranks  of  the  conquistadores,  a  pace  or  two  behind  Cortes, 

1  "  Era  hombre  de  robusta  y  buena  presencia,  agradable  sobre 
encarecimiento  a  quantos  le  trataban,  templado  en  las  cosas  pros- 
peras,  y  sufrido  en  las  adversas,  de  costumbres  populares  para 
governar  hombres  y  de  notable  destreza  en  regir  un  caballo  " : 
"  Historia  General  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada," 
Piedrahita,  p.  433. 

14, 


310  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Pizarro,  Soto,  and  his  own  brother,  Gonzalo  de  Quesada, 
whom  he  served  so  faithfully. 

By  this  time  Alonso  de  Lugo  found  his  position  untenable 
in  Bogota,  and  hearing  that  an  official  was  coming  out  from 
Spain  to  inquire  into  the  abuses  of  his  government,  about 
the  end  of  the  year  1544  he  set  out  down  the  Magdalena  for 
the  coast.  He  took  with  him  three  hundred  thousand  ducats' 
worth  of  gold  and  emeralds,  and  Captains  Suarez  Rondon 
and  Galiano  as  prisoners.  In  Santa  Marta  he  bought  a  ship 
and  embarked  for  Spain;  but  having  touched  at  the  Cabo 
de  la  Vela,  the  government  authorities,  whom  he  had  robbed 
upon  his  way  to  Bogota,  placed  an  embargo  on  his  ship. 
He  was  forced  to  repay  the  value  of  the  pearls  that  he  had 
stolen,  and  the  authorities  released  his  prisoners,  fearing 
he  would  murder  them  when  he  had  got  to  sea. 

In  the  Habana,  where  he  touched,  he  was  again  arrested, 
but  escaped  by  bribery  and  soon  arrived  in  Spain.  There 
he  was  forced  to  restore  the  property  of  Captain  Suarez 
Rondon  that  he  had  stolen  in  Bogota. 

He  had  been  absent  just  three  years  from  Spain,  and  in 
that  time  become  so  rich  that,  with  the  protection  of  his 
wife  and  of  his  sister,  he  was  well  received  at  court. 

This  rogue  and  tyrant,  who  had  robbed  his  father  and 
deserted  him;  had  plundered  both  the  Toya.\  treasury  and 
the  inhabitants  of  New  Granada ;  and  had  oppressed  both 
the  Indians  and  the  Spanish  colonists,  by  rights  should  have 
been  tried  and  forced  to  disgorge  his  ill-gained  fortune,  and 
to  make  restitution  to  the  people  he  had  robbed.  Nothing 
of  this  occurred,  but,  on  the  contrary,  honours  were  showered 
upon  him  by  the  court.  Appointed  colonel  of  a  regiment 
of  infantry,  he  went  to  Italy  and  served  with  som.e  dis- 
tinction there,  especially  at  Milan.  Then  he  held  influential 
posts  at  Siena  and  Naples,  and  died  at  Ghent,  possibly  in 
the  odour  of  sanctity,  but  certainly  in  the  enjoyment  of  a 
high  command.  He  left  two  children :  a  son,  Luis  Fernandez 
de  Lugo,  known  as  the  "  handsome,"  and  a  daughter,  Dona 
Luisa,  who  was  married  to  the  Duke  of  Terra  Nova  and  left 
a  numerous  family. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  211 

All  his  dishonourable  life  he  seems  to  have  been  successful, 
and  it  may  be  that  much  of  his  success  was  due  to  his  good 
manners  and  his  amiable  address.^  This  may  have  been  the 
case,  for  amiable  manners  and  a  good  address  go  a  con- 
siderable way  at  courts. 

Good  Bishop  Piedrahita  sums  up  his  character  in  an 
apt  phrase :  "  He  attacked  all  of  the  vices  boldly,  ex- 
cepting avarice. "2  It  is  a  pity  that  his  character  was 
not  quite  complete;  but  Don  Alonso's  one  redeeming 
virtue,  except  good  manners,  one  of  the  greatest 
that  mankind  is  heir  to,  seems  to  have  been  that  of 
generosity. 

Quesada  still  continued  absent,  and  although  history 
has  preserved  few  of  his  movements,  it  is  most  probable  that 
he  kept  in  touch  with  Bogota. 

It  appears  that  in  January,  1544,  Quesada  was  in  the 
town  of  Valladolid,^  for  he  is  known  to  have  been  a  party 
in  a  lawsuit,  at  that  date,  with  Don  Juan  CasteUanos,  who 
had  been  treasurer  in  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico  in  the  year 

1539- 

However,  in  his  absence,  Bogota  was  slowly  growing,  and 

towns  were  being  founded  in  various  parts  of  the  new 
territory.  Many  of  the  wild  tribes  were  brought  into 
subjection,  and  by  degrees  the  little  city  of  the  twelve  straw 
huts  Quesada  had  founded  was  becoming  the  capital  of  a 
great  viceroyalty  . 

Lugo  had  left  his  cousin,  Captain  Montalvo  de  Lugo, 
as  interim  governor;  but  in  a  month  or  two  there  arrived 
from  Spain  Don  Miguel  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  charged  to 
take  the  residences  of  the  governors  of  Cartagena,  Popayan, 

1  "  La  suavidad  y  discrecion  de  sus  palabras  fueron  gran  parte 
para  que  muchas  veces  no  parecieren  tiranias  sus  acciones  " :  Piedra- 
hita, p.  433. 

2  "  Atropello  todos  los  vicios  con  entereza,  menos  la  codicia  ": 
Piedrahita. 

-  "  En  Valladolid  21  de  Enero  1544  se  emprendio  cierto  pleito 
entre  Juan  de  CasteUanos  y  el  Licenciado  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de 
Quesada  sobre  ciertas  cantidades  que  el  dicho  Tesorero  le  pedia  ": 
Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  edicion  de  CasteUanos. 


212  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

and  Santa  Marta,  who  caused  him  at  once  to  be  replaced 
by  Pedro  dc  Ursua,  the  nephew  of  the  new  official. 

Pedro  de  Ursua  proved  to  be  one  of  the  best  governors 
that  Bogota  had  had.  He  at  once  restored  Suarez  Rondon, 
Quesada's  captain,  who  had  been  imprisoned  and  his 
possessions  confiscated  by  Lugo,  to  a  place  of  confidence, 
and  returned  his  property. 

Under  Ursua,  by  a  royal  deed  executed  in  Valladohd  in 
1549,  the  seal  of  the  Real  Audiencia  that  was  to  be  set  up 
was  dispatched  to  Bogota.  The  deed  provided  that  the 
official  seaP  was  to  be  met  with  the  same  ceremony  as  if 
the  emperor  in  person  was  going  to  be  received.  When  it 
arrived  the  chief  inhabitants,  mounted  on  their  best  horses, 
richly  caparisoned,  took  it  in  procession  to  the  house  of  the 
governor.  Thus  whilst,  as  some  of  the  chroniclers  aver, 
Quesada  was  wasting  his  time  in  Spain,  or  as  is  more 
reasonable  to  suppose,  in  view  of  all  the  books  he  wrote  in 
his  twelve  years  of  absence,  engaged  in  literature,  his  Rome 
was  growing,  both  in  importance  and  in  size. 

*  "  Este  sello  de  la  Real  Audiencia  que  es  de  plata  y  de  grandes 
dimensiones,  existia  en  el  Museo  Nacional  de  Bogota,  como  una 
curiosidad  ":  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada,"  Colonel 
Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  331.  It  seems  to  have  disappeared,  for  Colonel 
Acosta  adds:  "  Ojald  se  conserve  con  otros  objetos  antiguos  a  que 
el  tiempo  anade  cada  dia  mayor  precio." 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Twelve  years  had  now  elapsed  since  Quesada,  Federman, 
and  Belalcazar  bade  good-bye  to  their  followers  at  the  little 
port  of  Guataqui  upon  the  Magdalena,  close  to  Tocaima,  and 
in  their  home-made  vessel,  probably  the  first  built  on  the 
river,  set  out  upon  their  return  to  Spain. 

Many  of  those  who  watched  the  vessel  out  of  sight  as  she 
swung  down  the  stream  and  disappeared  between  the  walls 
of  vegetation  of  the  primeval  woods,  that  still  come  down 
to  the  water's  edge  upon  the  Magdalena's  banks,  must  have 
been  dead,  either  killed  in  Indian  fights  or  worn  out  by  the 
hardships  they  had  undergone. 

Federman  was  in  his  governorship  at  Coro  in  Venezuela, 
and  Belalcazar  had  died  at  Cartagena,  broken-hearted,  on 
his  way  to  Spain  to  lay  his  cause  before  the  king. 

The  Emperor  Charles  V.  had  abdicated,  and  in  the 
monastery  at  Yuste  was  riding  his  one-eyed  chestnut  pony 
about  La  Vera  de  Plasencia,  still  keeping  watch  upon  the 
politics  of  the  whole  world.  Philip  the  Prudent  was  on  the 
throne,  a  strange  and  complex  character,  even  more  averse 
from  rewarding  faithful  servants  generously  than  was  his 
father  Charles  V. 

Most  of  the  greater  countries  of  Spanish  America,  as 
Mexico,  Peru,  Chile,  and  Venezuela,  were,  if  not  all  explored, 
at  least  reduced  to  order,  within  more  or  less  the  same 
limits  as  to-day. 

Communications  with  the  Peninsula  had  become  easier 
and  quicker,  for  the  average  passage  lasted  some  five  and 
forty  days,  although  ships  had  been  known  to  acoomplish 
it  in  thirty-five. 

From  Bogota  to  Cartagena  or  to  Santa  Marta  the  way  was 

213 


214  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

clear.  The  trail  from  Facatativa,  by  Giiaduas,  coming  out 
on  to  the  Magdalena  close  by  Honda,  was  established,  and 
possibly  some  of  the  rough  cobble  stones  over  which  mules 
still  stumble  had  been  laid  down.  Another  route  by  Velez 
followed  the  Carare  River,  avoiding  the  more  dangerous 
valley  of  Opon. 

Quesada,  Federman,  and  Belalcazar,  when  they  embarked 
twelve  years  before  at  Guataqui,  had  taken  twelve  days  to 
reach  Cartagena.  This  journey  could  not  have  been  much 
shortened, '^  as  twelve  days  was  a  quick  passage,  considering 
that  they  were  perpetually  attacked. 

In  all  the  states  of  South  America,  at  that  time,  and  even 
to-day  to  some  extent,  there  were  great  tracts  of  territory 
unexplored.  Especially  this  was  the  case  in  New  Granada, 
where  all  the  country  on  the  other  side  the  Andes  was 
practically  unknown.  Still,  in  the  past  twelve  years,  great 
strides  had  been  accomplished,  and  anyone  who,  like 
Quesada,  had  been  long  absent,  returned  to  a  new  world. 

By  this  time  he  had  spent  his  money,  and  his  emeralds 
and  gold  were  all  exhausted,  so  he  quite  naturally  turned 
his  eyes  once  more  towards  the  country  that  he  had  con- 
quered for  his  fatherland.  Why  he  remained  so  long  without 
apparently  taking  any  steps  in  order  to  secure  employment 
is  a  mystery.  All  through  his  life  he  had  been  ambitious 
of  renown.  Throughout  his  whole  career  he  had  wished  to 
emulate  Pizarro  and  Cortes,  and  it  is  known  he  thought  his 
merits  equal  at  least  to  theirs.  Besides  all  that,  he  always 
thought  he  was  entitled  to  be  made  Marquess  of  the  Valley 
of  the  Palaces,^  as  in  good  truth  he  was. 

Perhaps  pride  held  him  back,  or  perhaps  he  knew  that 
the  influence  of  the  two  ladies  of  the  great  Mendoza  family, 
who  had  protected  and  advanced  before  him  the  worthless 
Lugo,  was  still  all-powerful  at  court, 

1  It  takes  a  week  to-day,  and,  if  there  happens  to  be  "  novedad  " 
upon  the  voyage,  quite  easily  may  last  ten  days.  "  Novedad  " — 
literally,  novelty,  or  news — may  comprehend  in  this  case,  a  low  river, 
with  the  chance  of  sticking  on  a  sandbank ;  perhaps  a  flood,  with  an 
equal  chance  of  sticking  on  a  snag. 

=•  Marques  del  Valle  de  los  Alcazares. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  215 

In  1549,  being  without  resources,  or  means  of  livelihood, 
he  sent  in  a  petition  to  the  king,  asking  to  be  employed  in 
New  Granada,  and  Philip,  who  not  once  in  his  career  seems 
to  have  been  moved  by  generosity,  appointed  him  MarshaP 
and  Alderman  of  Bogota  with  a  small  grant  of  two  thousand 
ducats  annually,  and  a  repartimiento  of  Indians  at 
Honda. 

It  was  not  much;  but  no  doubt  Quesada  was  glad  to 
return  to  Bogota  on  almost  any  terms. 

About  the  end  of  1549  he  set  sail  for  Cartagena  with  the 
three  judges  of  the  Audiencia  Real  and  some  Dominican 
and  Franciscan  friars. 

As  the  three  judges  were  to  govern  New  Granada,  it  is 
likely  that  on  the  voyage  they  profited  by  the  advice  Quesada 
had  in  store  as  to  the  affairs  of  the  New  World. 

The  eldest  of  the  three  legal  functionaries,  one  Mercado, 
died  in  Mompox,  a  town  upon  the  Magdalena;  but  the  other 
two,  Gongora  and  Galarza,  both  young  men,  governed 
most  wisely,  having  profited  perhaps  by  the  old  conqueror's 
advice. 

No  details  are  preserved  of  Quesada's  voyage  up  the 
Magdalena;  but  it  is  easy  to  imagine  all  he  must  have  felt. 
Standing  upon  the  vessel's  deck  as  she  forged  slowly  up 
the  stream,  gaining  each  yard  by  the  hard  labour  of  the 
"  bogas,"^  straining  upon  their  poles,  when  the  toucans  and 
tunagers  shot  across  the  woods,  and  flocks  of  multi-coloured 
macaws  sailed  past  like  hawks,  and  parrots  chattered  in  the 
trees,  Quesada  must  have  felt  that  he  was  coming  home 
again. 

He  was  now  fifty  years  of  age,  but  time  had  touched  him 
lightly  and  preserved  his  strength  for  more  adventures, 
perils,  and  hardships  that  might  have  broken  down  a 
younger  man. 

At  early  morning,  when  the  white  mist  enshrouds  the 

1  Mariscal  y  Regidor. 

2  "  Boga  "  is  a  word  used  in  Colombia  to  designate  the  men  who 
row,  but  more  usually  punt,  the  great  barges  on  the  Magdalena. 
"  Bosrar  "  is  to  row. 


2i6  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Magdalcna,  blotting  the  forests  out,  except  the  tops  of  a  tall 
palm-tree  here  and  there,  leaving  the  stream  confined  between 
two  banks  of  vapour,  that  make  it  seem  like  an  immense 
but  turbulent  canal,  Quesada,  wrapped  in  his  cloak,  shiver- 
ing in  the  dank  air  that  penetrates  right  to  the  marrow 
of  the  bones,  must  have  looked  anxiously  about  for  hostile 
Indians  waiting  to  attack.  At  midday,  as  the  sun  poured 
down  its  rays  like  molten  brass  upon  the  stream,  stretched 
underneath  the  palm-thatched  toldo,  in  the  middle  of  the 
boat,  the  alligators  lying  motionless  like  logs  awash  upon 
the  edges  of  the  sandbanks,  must  have  seemed  as  familiar 
to  him  as  docs  a  seal  to  northern  navigators. 

At  evening,  when  the  day's  battle  with  the  sun  is  over, 
and  the  night's  skirmishing  with  every  kind  of  insect  is 
begun,  taking  the  cool,^  how  often  he  must  have  started  up 
to  point  out  well-remembered  spots  and  say,  "  There  is  the 
place  the  Indians  attacked  us,  and  so  and  so  was  slain — may 
God  have  pardoned  him." 

Then  night  would  fall,  and  in  their  camp,  sitting  around 
the  fire,  or  to  the  lee  of  it,  to  let  the  smoke  drive  the 
mosquitoes  off  a  little,  what  recollections  must  have  risen 
to  his  mind,  when  the  long  howling  of  the  monkeys,  or  the 
snarling  of  the  tigers,  fell  upon  his  ear.  The  dark,  high 
walls  of  vegetation,  that  seem  so  hostile  to  mankind, 
especially  to  those  but  newly  come  from  Europe,  with 
the  mysterious  noises  of  the  night,  made  by  wild  animals 
parting  the  brushwood  with  a  soft  swishing  sound,  all 
unfamiliar  to  his  companions — these  could  have  held  no 
terrors  for  the  conquistador. 

Gazing  out  on  the  river  in  the  moonlight,  listening  to  the 
great  fish  leap  and  fall  back  with  a  resounding  crash,  watch- 
ing the  wake  the  tapir  leaves  behind  him,  in  his  noiseless 
swimming,  his  head  erected  like  a  horse,  his  back  scarcely 
visible  above  the  water,  Quesada  may  have  pointed  out 
the  animal  invisible  to  eyes  less  trained  to  peer  into  the 
darkness  of  the  night.  Which  route  he  followed  is  not 
known;  but  not  unlikely  it  was  up  the  Carare  to  Velez, 
^  Tomando  el  fresco. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  217 

for  it  was  more  secure  from  Indian  attack.  No  matter 
which  way  that  he  went,  whether  stumbling  up  the  steep 
trail  from  Honda  to  Giiaduas,  or  on  the  path  from  Tocaima 
to  Juntos  de  Apulo/  or  if  he  set  off  straight  from  Velez 
across  the  plains  to  Bogota,  his  impressions  must  have  been 
the  same.  Each  feature  of  the  landscape  would  have  been 
familiar  to  him  on  either  of  the  roads.  Each  hill  and  wood 
and  stream  must  have  recalled  some  strange  adventure 
of  the  conquest  to  him,  when  he  and  his  two  hundred 
Spaniards,  with  their  sixty  horses,  were  the  first  Europeans 
who  had  ever  seen  the  sunset  glowing  red  upon  the  white 
cone  of  the  Nevado  de  Tolima,  or  the  tall  peak  of  El  Ruiz. 

When  at  last  Bogota  broke  upon  his  view,  how  eagerly  he 
must  have  gazed  at  it,  for  though  it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  in  twelve  years  the  city  had  assumed  its  present  aspect, 
the  changes  must  have  been  immense  since  he  last  looked 
on  it. 

His  old  companions,  when  they  heard  he  was  expected, 
mounted  their  horses  and  escorted  him  to  make  his  entry 
to  the  town.  The  inhabitants  welcomed  him  respectfully, 
and  after  a  few  days  of  feasting  and  rejoicing,  Quesada 
settled  down  to  take  stock  of  the  new  city  that  he  found  so 
marvellously^  changed. 

Stone  houses  had  sprung  up  where  he  had  left  huts 
thatched  with  straw.  Roads  had  been  made  in  several 
directions  through  La  Sabana  de  Bogota,  and  gardens 
had  been  planted  outside  the  town,  and  plants  and  flowers 
from  Europe  had  been  sown.^ 

Though  poor  in  fortune,  he  was  rich  in  prestige,  and 
though  he  lived  in  honourable  poverty,  he  was  much 
respected  by  his  fellow-citizens,  and  on  occasions  when 
difficulties  arose,  with  the  home  government  or  with  the 
Indians,  they  all  consulted  him. 

Especially     in     cases     of    complaints     against     unjust 

1  The  railway  follows  this  old  road. 

2  "  Hallo  todas  las  cosas  trocadas  "  :  Fray  Simon. 

3  All  European  flowers  grow  well  in  Bogota,  and  usually  attain 
a  much  greater  size  than  in  Europe. 


2i8  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

magistrates,  or  corrupt  judges,  the  colonists  looked  on 
Quesada  as  their  natural  champion.  Nor  did  he  ever  fail 
them,  his  legal  training  proving  invaluable  in  cases  of  the 
kind.  In  the  year  1556  the  government  sent  out  as 
"  oidor  "^  a  lawyer  called  Montaiio,  a  man  of  a  most  severe 
and  violent  character,  to  inquire  into  the  administration 
of  Don  Miguel  Dias  de  Armendariz,  who  always  had 
been  popular  with  the  colonists.  Not  only  did  Montaho 
proceed  with  rigour  against  Armendariz,  but  he  soon  got 
all  the  citizens  of  Bogota  almost  in  a  state  of  revolt  by  his 
severity. 

Bishop  Piedrahita,  who  generally  was  an  unfavourable 
critic  of  Quesada,  confesses  in  this  instance  that  "  one  cannot 
deny  the  diplomacy^  and  thoroughness  with  which  Marshal 
Quesada  examined  into  this  difficult  affair." 

A  saying  of  Quesada's  is  preserved  in  reference  to 
Montaiio,  "  that  even  if  Montaho^  were  to  cut  off  all  the 
heads  in  the  kingdom,  and  his  own  the  first,  .  .  .  that  he 
would  not  consent  that  a  judge  should  arrest  anyone  except 
with  an  express  order  from  the  king,  giving  him  power  for 
it."  His  meaning  seems  to  have  been  that  Montano  had 
been  sent  out  for  a  special  purpose,  to  take  the  residence 
of  Armendariz;  but  that  he  had  no  power  to  arrest  the 
citizens. 

Quesada  stood  up  so  stoutly  against  Montano  that  he 
was  forced  to  confine  himself  to  the  affairs  of  his  mission 
and  leave  the  colonists  in  peace. 

During  these  years  of  peace  and  of  retirement,  Quesada 
seems  to  have  had  more  opportunites  of  exercising    his 
early  legal  training  than  his  talents  as  a  general. 
For  all  that,  his  mind  was  always  planning  more  ex- 

*  This  official  was  a  sort  of  Judge  Ambulant,  sent  out  from  Spain 
to  inquire  into  (or  create)  abuses. 

2  '■  No  puede  negarle  al  Mariscal  Quesada,  la  politica  profundidad 
con  que  discurri6  tan  zelosa  materia  :"  Piedrahita. 

'  "  Aunque  Montaiio  cortase  todas  las  cabe(;as  del  Reyno  y  la 
prnnera  la  suya  .  .  .  jamas  consentiria  k  que  Juez  Supremo  se 
prendiere,  sin  orden  expreso  del  rey,  persona,  a  quien  diese  facultad 
pcira  alia  ":  Piedrahita. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  219 

peditions  and  further  conquests;  for  once  a  conqueror, 
always  a  conqueror,  and  there  was  still  a  world  of  territory 
to  explore  and  subjugate. 

All  through  those  quiet  years  of  Quesada's  poverty, 
Bogota  was  growing  and  putting  on  airs  of  a  capital. 
Convents  and  churches  were  springing  up  on  every  side, 
although  there  was  no  lime  to  build  with,  and  the  stones 
were  set  in  rnud,^  which  in  that  climate  proved  a  substitute. 

Quesada  by  degrees  returned  to  his  old  position — the  actual, 
if  not  the  titular,  head  of  the  whole  colony. 

In  1553  he  was  sent  at  the  request  of  the  Real  Audiencia 
to  Cartagena,  to  take  the  residence  of  the  Licenciado  Juan 
Maldonado,  an  interim  governor,  who  had  been  sent  from 
Spain.  The  details  of  his  proceedings  in  Cartagena  are 
not  preserved;  but  in  1557  he  returned  to  Bogota,  as 
his  health  was  suffering  in  the  hot,  damp  climate  of  the 
coast. 

About  that  time  he  began  to  petition  Philip  II.  for 
permission  to  set  out  into  the  Llanos  upon  the  Rio  Meta, 
and  seek  the  city  of  the  El  Dorado,  an  ignis  fatuus  that 
haunted  him,  in  common  with  all  the  conquerors  of  the 
New  World.  Things  in  the  palace  at  Madrid  went  slowly, 
as  slowly  as  in  the  Spanish  proverb,'^  and  the  correspondence 
between  Quesada,  Philip,  and  the  Real  Audiencia  occupied 
several  years.  The  Real  Audiencia  of  Bogota  accorded 
him  permission  for  his  expedition,  but  on  one  pretext  or 
another  Philip  delayed,  perhaps  because  Quesada  was 
insistent  on  being  made  a  marquess,  for  his  ambition  to  be 
equal  with  Pizarro  and  Cortes  pursued  him  all  his  days. 
Whilst  he  was  waiting  for  the  pleasure  of  the  dilatory  king, 
he  still  kept  on  consolidating  his  position  in  Bogota,  and 
by  degrees  became  a  sort  of  unofficial  court  of  appeal  on 

1  "  Por  el  modo  con  que  se  fabricaban  estos  edificios  .  .  .  seinfiiere 
que  en  aquella  epoca,  no  se  habia  descubierto  todavia  la  cal  en  las 
inmediaciones  de  dicha  ciudad":  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  339. 
He  goes  on  to  say  that  in  repairing  his  father's  house  (in  1840-49) 
he  found  all  the  stones  were  merely  laid  in  mud,  and  that  the  house 
was  very  old,  being  the  same  as  the  ancient  convent  of  Santo  Domingo. 

*  Cosas  de  palacio,  van  despacio. 


220  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

every  kind  of  cause.  No  doubt  his  fellow-citizens  knew  he 
was  a  sound  lawyer  as  well  as  a  born  man  of  arms. 

An  Indian  girl,  by  name  Luisa,  described  in  the  petition 
that  the  injured  husband  had  addressed  to  Quesada,  as  a 
jade,^  had  left  her  Lares  and  Penates  and  run  off  with  one 
Cetina,  and  all  her  husband's  prayers  to  her  to  come  back 
to  him  had  proved  of  no  avail.  The  jade  alleged  that  the 
Real  Audiencia  had  given  her  liberty  to  choose^  the  master 
that  she  liked,  and  it  appears  Cetino  was  the  master  of  her 
choice. 

Quesada  instantly  swooped  like  an  eagle  on  the  weakness 
of  the  plea.  The  girl  Luisa  came  from  one  of  his  own 
repartimientos,  thus  giving  rise  to  a  nice  point  of  law 
that  he  at  once  perceived.  He  answered,  saying,  that  this 
"  liberty  "  was  null  and  void,  because  Luisa  was  attached 
to  the  repartimiento,  and  not  in  service^  or  a  slave.  A  fine 
kind  of  "  liberty  "  it  would  be,  he  said,  that  though  the 
husband  was  doing  all  he  could  to  please  his  wife,  that  she 
should  be  allowed  to  choose  another  man  to  live  with, 
merely  as  his  concubine."*  He  therefore  begged  the  Real 
Audiencia  to  send  a  magistrate  to  send  his  "  pieza  "  back 
to  his  repartimiento,  and  give  the  husband  back  his 
wife.^  It  is  not  known  how  the  affair  concluded,  or  if  the 
fickle  jade  Luisa  was  restored  to  her  own  lawful  husband  or 
went  on  living  in  her  sin. 

The  duties  that    Quesada's  fellow-townsmen  laid  upon 

1  La  picara. 

2  "  Una  de  esas  Indias  llamada  Luisa  se  marcho  con  un  tal 
Antonio  Cetina  quien  la  llev6  a  Anserma.  La  picara  que  no  deseaba 
volver  al  lado  de  su  esposo,  decia  que  tenia  una  permision  de  la 
Audiencia  Real,  que  le  daba  libertad  para  escoger,  al  amo  con  quien 
quisiera  estar."  This  curious  incident  is  preserved  in  a  History  of 
Bogota  by  Dr.  Ibaflez  (Pedro  M.),  Bogota,  1892. 

3  Era  pieza  de  repartimiento  y  no  de  servicio. 

*  Y  buena  libertad  seria,  que  esta  el  pobre  marido  haciendo  los 
extremes  que  hace  cada  dia  por  la  mujer,  y  que  ella  escogiere  de 
vivir  con  el  que  la  tenia  por  manceba. 

=*  "  Pido  y  suplico  a  Usia,  mande  enviar  a  mi  costa  un  juez  de 
comision  que  me  vuelva  mis  piezas  a  mis  repartimientos,  que  aunque 
sea  a  costa  mia,  no  es  justo  que  el  pobre  marido  este  sin  su  mujer  ": 
Dr.  Ibanez. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  221 

him  were  not,  however,  of  this  semi-humorous  nature,  for 
at  times  the  newly  conquered  kingdom  of  New  Granada  ran 
serious  perils  from  attacks,  either  of  Indians  or  by  free- 
booting  bands  of  Spaniards  who  had  rebelled  against  their 
governors. 

At  that  time  a  celebrated  bandit,  Lope  de  Aguirre,  after 
a  career  of  crime  almost  incredible,^  had  established  himself 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  and  report  said  was  about 
to  sail  up  the  Magdalena  to  the  attack  of  Bogota.  The 
judges  of  the  Real  Audiencia  who  were  governing  the 
country  were  both  young  lawyers,  without  military  ex- 
perience; but  they  were  men  of  sense.  They  listened  to 
the  unanimous  wishes  of  the  colonists,  that  they  would  have 
no  leader  but  Quesada,  whom  they  had  seen  a  hundred  times 
at  work  in  that  capacity.  Enthusiasm  ran  high  in  Bogota. 
The  Real  Audiencia  made  him  captain-general  of  the  army, 
and  the  inhabitants  swarmed  round  his  house  begging  to 
be  enrolled  beneath  his  banner.  From  distant  places  the 
old  conquerors  who  had  accompanied  Quesada  during  the 
fateful  year  upon  the  Magdalena,  when  they  and  he  had 
suffered  thirst  and  hunger,  and  all  the  terrors  of  the  unknown, 
converged  on  Bogota.  They  left  their  farms  and  wives, 
and,  mounted  on  their  best  horses,  bringing  their  friends 

1  Lope  de  Aguirre  was  a  soldier  who  accompanied  Don  Pedro 
de  Ursua  from  Quito  on  a  voyage  down  the  Amazon.  Don  Pedro 
was  beloved  by  everyone  for  his  good  character.  The  Inca  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega  says  of  him:  "  Un  cavallero  llamado  Pedro  de  Ursua,  que 
yo  conoci  en  el  Peru,  hombre  de  todo  hondad,  y  virtud,  gentil 
hombre  de  su  persona,  y  agradable  a  la  vista  de  todos  "  ("  Co- 
mentarios  Reales,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  495,  Madrid,  1722).  Lope  de  Aguirre 
rose  against  him,  murdered  him  and  all  those  of  the  expedition  who 
would  not  join  in  the  revolt.  He  then  attacked  and  plundered 
several  settlements,  murdering  all  the  inhabitants,  and  established 
himself  in  the  island  of  Margarita.  At  last  he  was  hunted  down  and 
slain;  but  before  his  death  he  killed  his  daughter,  not  that  he  feared 
ill-treatment  for  her,  but  because  he  did  not  wish  after  his  death 
people  should  say  she  was  a  traitor's  child.  "  Mat6  una  hija  suya 
que  consigo  llevara,  no  por  otra  causa  mas  de  porque  despues  de  el 
muerto  no  la  llamaren  Hija  de  el  Traidor.  .  .  .  Aguirre  era  de  ruin 
talle  y  de  perversa  condicion  " :  "  Comentarios  Reales,"  El  Inca 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega. 


222  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

and  neighbours,  with  parties  of  armed  Indians,  they  gathered 
round  their  old  and  trusted  general. 

As  he  stood  in  the  plaza  and  watched  the  bands  arrive, 
and  recognized  and  greeted  many  a  captain  who  had  fought 
by  his  side,  and  soldiers  not  a  few  that  he  might  have  for- 
gotten, or  at  least  disremembered  till  he  saw  them  once 
again,  Quesada's  heart  must  have  beat  high  with  pride. 
As  they  arrived  from  the  hot  country  by  Tocaima,  from 
Anolaima,  Honda,  Guataqui,  and  Velez,  from  Ubate  and 
Facatativa,  Zipaquira  and  Giiaduas  nestling  in  its  thickets 
of  bamboos,  from  Tunja,  Sogamoso,  and  from  the  little 
towns  on  the  Sabdna  de  Bogota,  he  must  have  felt  he  had 
not  lived  in  vain. 

Kings  might  neglect,  and  envious  rivals  rise  above  his 
head,  pushed  on  by  petticoats;^  but  the  old  friends  who 
knew  him  best  had  rallied  to  his  flag  when  the  new  colony 
was  in  danger  of  attack.  It  was  his  glorious  hour,  and  all 
that  he  had  suffered  and  endured,  his  disappointments, 
the  long  delay  to  recognize  his  claims  (the  claims  of  merit), 
all  would  disappear,  and  when  he  got  upon  his  horse  to  ride 
along  the  ranks  of  his  embattled  friends,  he  must  have  felt 
himself  a  twofold  conqueror.  As  things  turned  out,  Lope 
de  Aguirre  was  killed  before  he  could  carry  his  raid  into 
effect,  and  the  warlike  preparations  never  were  required. 

Naturally  Quesada  rose  still  more  in  the  estimation  of 
the  citizens  of  Bogota,  and  seems  to  have  enjoyed  that  rare 
and  enviable  position  of  wielding  power  without  the  onus 
of  responsibility. 

Quesada  must  have  been  accumulating  property  by 
degrees,  for  it  appears  that  as  administrator  in  lands  that 
he  possessed  in  Tierra  Fria,  he  had  one  Seiior  Alonso  George, 
a  Portuguese,  a  magnificent  gentleman.^  The  Portuguese 
showed  himself  both  generous  and  most  magnificent  in  an 
Indian  adventure  that  happened  to  him. 

A  soldier,  whose  name  Fray  Simon  withholds  to  save  his 

*  Falditas. 

*  "  El  magnifico  sen  or  Alonso  George,  caballero  portugues": 
Fray  Simon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  223 

honour/  pursued  an  Indian  on  his  horse.  Having  caught 
him  up,  he  attacked  him  with  his  lance.  The  Indian, 
however,  caught  the  horse's  bridle,  stopped  him,  threw  the 
rider  to  the  ground,  and  would  have  killed  him  had  not 
several  other  horsemen  galloped  up  to  his  aid.  The  Indian 
gallantly  faced  them  all,  until  one  horseman  lanced  him 
through  the  stomach,  so  that  his  entrails  came  out.  The 
Indian,  nothing  daunted,  held  them  in  with  his  left  hand, 
and  faced  his  enemies  with  a  club  he  wielded  in  his  right. 
Luckily  for  him,  as  he  was  engaged  with  the  three  Spaniards, 
Captain  Alonso  George  galloped  up,  and  seeing  the  bravery 
with  which  the  Gandul^  fought,  drew  up  his  horse  beside 
him,  and  with  his  lance  kept  the  three  soldiers  off,  saying 
so  brave  a  man  should  not  be  slain.  Then,  this  magnificent 
but  humane  Portuguese  gentleman  mounted  the  Indian  on 
his  horse,  took  him  to  his  home  and  cared  for  him,  and  in 
a  week  or  two  his  wounds  were  healed. 

The  Indian,  it  is  said,  was  grateful,  as  well  he  might 
have  been.  The  name  of  the  gallant  Portuguese  cavalier 
has  been  commemorated  by  Fray  Simon  in  his  veracious 
chronicle,  and  it  deserves  to  be  preserved.  Those  who 
come  after  him,  perhaps,  may  be  allowed,  in  the  retelling  of 
the  tale,  to  brush  the  dust  off  from  the  monument  that  Fray 
Simon  has  raised,  as  Old  Mortality  cleared  away  the  moss 
from  the  lone  graves  in  Galloway  kirkyards. 

If  Quesada  had  to  double  the  functions  of  judge  of  appeal 
and  captain,  he  also  now  and  then  was  called  upon  to  keep 
the  peace  amongst  the  citizens. 

Fresle^  relates  a  curious  instance,  showing  the  enormous 
personal  respect  paid  to  Quesada,  and  how  all  bowed  to  his 
authority. 

A  tactless  but  well-meaning  governor,  Dr.  Don  Andres 

1  Por  su  honor. 

2  "  Gandul  "  was  used  in  New  Granada,  and  I  think  in  Peru  and 
Venezuela,  at  that  time,  to  designate  an  adult  Indian.  In  Spanish, 
"  gandul  "  means  vagabond,  and  it  may  be  that  the  word  has  been 
brought  from  the  Indies  and  become  incorporated  into  the  language, 
as  have  "  maiz,"  "  hamaca,"  and  several  other  words. 

^  "  El  Carnero^Bogotano. " 


224  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  OUESADA 

Diaz  dc  Leiva,  a  man  full  of  good  impulses;  but  who,  as 
runs  the  Spanish  phrase,  seems  to  have  heard  bells,^  but 
was  uncertain  where.  His  legitimate  wife,^  who  is  described 
as  a  valorous  woman,  was  of  great  help  to  him,  though  he 
may  possibly  not  always  have  followed^  her  advice. 

Being  a  great  protector  of  the  Indians,  he  issued  a  pro- 
clamation, that  anyone  who  ill-treated  them  should  receive 
two  hundred  lashes  and  be  fined.  Those  who  have  lived 
in  colonies  in  any  quarter  of  the  world  can  judge  how  such 
a  proclamation  would  be  received  to-day  amongst  the  ruling 
race.  In  the  days  of  Quesada  it  was  flat  blasphemy,  and 
certain  to  offend. 

It  happened  that  the  day  the  edict  was  stuck  up  in  the 
chief  street  of  Bogota,  many  of  Quesada's  ancient  captains 
had  come  into  the  town;  all  of  them  conquerors.  They 
gathered  round  the  notice-board  and  read  it  silently.  No 
doubt  their  hands  felt  for  their  swords,  and  oaths  were 
muttered;  but  no  one  spoke  a  word.  At  last  Captain  Zorro, 
throwing  the  corner*  of  his  cloak  over  his  left  shoulder, 
exclaimed,  "  God  damn  me;  gentlemen  captains,  are  we  to 
be  flogged  ?  Was  it  this  paltry  rogue  of  a  governor  who 
conquered  Bogota  ?  Follow  me,  gentlemen,  I  intend  to  cut 
him  into  shreds." 

They  all  rushed  off  towards  the  palace  of  the  governor, 
with  their  cloaks  wrapped  about  their  arms,  and  their  drawn 
swords  in  their  hands. 

Hearing  the  noise  in  the  street,  Quesada  rushed  up  to  the 
audience  chamber,  where  he  found  a  magistrate,  Don 
Melchor  Perez  de  Artiaga,  at  the  stair  head,  armed  with  a 
partizan  and  with  his  wand  of  office  on  the  ground.     It 

'  Ha  oido  carapanas,  y  no  sabe  donde. 

2  Su  legitima  mujer. 

3  The  Moors  in  Morocco  say,  "  Always  ask  j-our  wife's  advice, 
but  never  follow  it."  The  Spaniards,  on  the  contrary,  have  an  adage, 
"  The  counsel  of  a  woman  is  of  little  weight,  but  he  who  does  not 
follow  it  is  mad  "  ("El  consejo  de  la  mujer  es  poco,  quien  no  lo  toma 
es  loco  "). 

*  "  Echando  el  canto  de  la  capa  sobre  el  hombro  izquierdo,  y 
diciendo  Voto  a  Dios  ";  "  Carnero  Bogotano."  Rodriguez  Fresle. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  225 

would  have  fared  but  poorly  with  Don  Melchor  had  he  been 
there  alone,  for  all  the  captains  were  crowding  up  the  stairs. 
Finding  Quesada  standing  by  his  side  they  halted.  Dona 
Maria  de  Leiva,  hearing  the  noise,  came  out  of  her  apart- 
ments, and  placing  herself  beside  Quesada,  took  the  partizan 
from  Don  Melchor,  and  picking  up  his  wand  of  office  she 
put  it  in  his  hand.  The  valorous  and  legitimate  lady  saved 
the  situation,  for  the  captains,  pleased  at  her  ready  wit  and 
her  bold  bearing,  put  up  their  swords,  and,  after  listening  to 
a  harangue  Quesada  made,  no  novel  experience  for  the  most 
of  them,  they  quickly  went  away. 

With  an  occasional  trial,  or  a  dispute  about  the  Indians 
whom  the  conquerors  held  in  semi-slavery;  with  threats  of 
war,  as  in  the  case  of  Lope  de  Aguirre;  and  no  doubt  with 
much  material  progress  in  the  construction  of  the  town, 
life  wore  away  in  Bogota.  Quesada  still  was  without  an 
answer  from  King  Philip,  and  he  was  drawing  near  to 
seventy  years  of  age. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

At  last  King  Philip,  who  had  muddled  so  much  of  the 
world's  business,  and  in  especial  that  of  the  Americas,  from 
the  seclusion  of  El  Escorial,  made  up  his  mind  as  to  the 
petition  Quesada  had  addressed  to  him  so  many  years  ago. 

By  a  Real  Cedula,  dated  at  El  Escorial  the  15th  of 
November,  1568,  Quesada  was  appointed  Adelantado  of 
El  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,  but  without  jurisdiction  or 
the  usual  powers  the  office  carried  with  it.  His  salary  was 
raised,  and  more  Indians  were  given  him  in  "  Encomienda," 
at  Tunja,  Mariquita,  and  other  places,  whose  very  name 
King  Philip  only  knew  through  the  exertions  of  the  man 
he  now  so  grudgingly  was  obliged  to  recognize. 

Thus  did  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  and  his  son  Philip, 
but  Philip  far  more  than  his  father,  so  often  fail  to  appre- 
ciate that  an  empire  had  been  placed  within  their  hands,  as 
it  were,  from  the  skies. 

With  the  long-withheld  title  of  Adelantado,  came  per- 
mission to  undertake  the  conquest  of  the  Llanos,  and  the 
illusory  concession  of  four  hundred  leagues  of  land  between 
the  Rivers  Pauto  and  Papamene.^  He  was  to  be  the  governor 
of  these  far-off  territories,  with  power  to  leave  the  office  to 
his  son,  or  in  default,  to  anyone  he  chose  to  name.  What 
Quesada  probably  valued  more  than  all  was  the  promise  of 
the  title  of  marquess,  should  he  succeed  in  conquering  and 
settling  the  lands. 

Though,  when  the  long-desired  and  oft-delayed  permission 
at  last  arrived,  Quesada  was  near  seventy  years  of  age,  he 
set  about  his  preparations  for  the  expedition  with  the  same 
energy  that  he  had  displayed  when  he  first  sailed  from 

*  The  Pauto  and  the  Papamene  might  just  as  well  have  been 
rivers  of  Damascus,  for  they  were  situated  in  country,  but  little 
explored  even  to-day,  on  the  Llanos  of  the  Orinoco. 

226 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  227 

Santa  Marta,  up  the  Magdalena,  in  his  youth.  His  old 
prosperity  seemed  to  be  going  to  take  a  new  lease  of  life. 
His  prestige  and  his  popularity  had  never  stood  so  high. 
It  seemed  to  everyone  that  in  his  old  age  he  was  about  to 
achieve  new  conquests,  receive  fresh  honours,  and  that  the 
conqueror  of  New  Granada  was  at  last  to  be  placed  on  the 
same  footing  as  the  conquerors  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru.  No 
one  seems  to  have  doubted  for  a  moment  of  his  ultimate 
success.  Against  all  reason,  the  inhabitants  of  Bogota  were 
perfectly  convinced  of  the  existence  of  a  mysterious  Golden 
City,  in  the  great  plains  along  the  Orinoco  and  the  Amazon. 
Stranger  than  that,  they  thought  that  these  alluvial  plains 
were  rich  in  gold,  although  they  must  have  known  by  their 
own  experience  that  all  the  gold  that  they  had  found  them- 
selves came  from  mines  situated  in  the  hills. 

All  his  old  captains  and  his  soldiers  who  were  still  alive 
once  again  flocked  to  Quesada,  and  begged  to  be  enrolled 
under  his  standard,  and  colonists  but  just  arrived  from 
Spain  caught  the  fever  of  adventure,  and  prayed  to  be 
allowed  to  march  with  him. 

Quesada  bound  himself  by  his  agreement  with  the  Real 
Audiencia  of  Bogota  to  take  five  hundred  men  all  well 
equipped  and  armed.  With  them,  for  the  welfare  of  their 
souls,  and  to  spread  the  tidings  of  the  Gospel  amongst  the 
infidel,  he  took  eight  priests  and  friars,  two  of  whom  were 
to  prove  the  historians  of  the  expedition,  and  were  both 
men  of  letters  and  of  intelligence. 

One  of  the  friars  was  Pedro  de  Aguado,  whose  History  of 
Venezuela  is  one  of  the  chief  works  upon  the  conquest  of 
that  country.^  The  other  was  Fray  Antonio  de  Medrano,^ 
who  died  of  privation  in  the  Llanos  during  the  expedition. 
Little  is  known  of  him  beyond  the  fact  that  he  had  resided 
fifteen  years  in  the  Indies,^  consecrated  to  preaching  the 

^  "  Historia  de  Venezuela." 

2  He  wrote  "  La  Historia  de  Santa  Marta  y  Nuevo  Reino  de 
Granada." 

2  Residio  quince  anos  en  las  Indias  consagrado  a  la  predicacion 
del  Evangelio  y  conversion  de  los  indigenas. 


228  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Gospel  and  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  Fray  Pedro 
de  A{<iiado  was  far  bettor  known.  In  1573  he  was  elected 
provincial  of  the  Seraphic  Order  of  Franciscans  in  Bogota. 
In  1575  he  returned  to  Spain,  and  probably  died  in  Cordoba, 
in  which  city  he  is  known  to  have  lived  for  a  considerable 

time. 

After  Medrano's  death,  Aguado  continued  the  account 
of  Qucsada's  expedition,^  to  which  Fray  Antonio  de  Medrano 
had  been  appointed  chronicler. 

Though  the  conditions  of  his  capitulation  with  the  Real 
Audiencia  were  onerous,  Quesada  never  seems  to  have  been 
more  confident  of  ultimate  success.  Of  course,  he  was  quite 
ignorant  of  the  intricate  system  of  rivers,  such  as  the  Meta, 
the  Casanare,  the  Guaviare,  and  a  thousand  more  of  greater 
or  of  lesser  size,  that  flow,  some  into  the  Orinoco,  some  into 
each  other,  and  make  the  crossing  of  the  Llanos  a  work  of 
difficulty.  The  Llanos  were  not  so  utterly  unknown  as 
they  had  been  thirty  years  before,  when  Federman  crossed 
them  from  Venezuela  on  his  adventurous  march  to  Bogota. 
There  was  by  this  time  a  half-way  house  between  the  plains 
of  Bogota  and  the  great  plains  across  the  Andes,  for  in  1555 
Captain  Juan  de  Avellaiieda  had  founded  a  town  that  he 
called  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  nearly  five  hundred  miles  away 
from  Bogota.  This  town  was  valuable  chiefly  on  two  ac- 
counts. In  the  first  place,  it  was  the  point  from  which  all 
expeditions  to  the  Llanos  had  to  jump  off  into  the  unknown. 

1  The  joint  work  of  the  two  friars  is  the  only  authentic  account 
of  the  fantastic  and  most  unfortunate  expedition.  It  remained 
unpublished  till  igo6,  when  the  first  nine  books  were  published  in 
Bogoti.  A  complete  edition  appeared  in  Madrid  in  191 6,  published 
by  La  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia.  Both  Fray  Simon  and  Bishop 
Piedrahita  are  known  to  have  used  the  original  manuscript.  The 
book  is  valuable,  as  Aguado  declares  in  his  prologue,  dedicated 
"  A  la  S.  C.  R.  Majestad  Don  Philippe  segundo  deste  nombre  Rey 
de  las  Espanas,  Monarcha  universal  del  NuevoMundo,"  that  the  writer 
was  "  testigo  de  vista,  hallandome  a  todo,  6  en  la  major  parte."  The 
dedication  is  signed  "  Vassallo  y  Capellan  de  V.  C.  R.  Md.  que  sus 
Reales  manos  besa."  He  styles  himself,  "  Frayle  menor  y  el  menor 
y  mas  humilde  de  sus  criados,"  and  concludes  by  wishing  Don 
Philippe  "  salud  y  gloria  inmortal." 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  229 

Moreover,  there  were  valuable  mines  upon  the  River  Ariari 
not  very  far  from  it.  These  mines  had  much  enriched  a 
certain  gentleman,  Don  Francisco  Aguilar,  who  had  ex- 
ploited them,  probably  by  the  forced  labour  of  the  Indians. 

The  settlers  in  the  town  must  have  acquired  a  certain 
knowledge  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Rio  Meta,  and  have 
learned  from  them,  if  only  vaguely,  something  about 
the  plains  that  lay  beyond  it  and  extended  to  the  Orinoco, 
like  an  enormous  sea  of  grass,  with  islands  here  and  there  of 
tall  Moriche  palms. 

In  addition  to  the  five  hundred^  men  and  the  eight  friars 
he  had  to  take  upon  his  expedition,  Quesada  had  obliged 
himself  to  take  great  quantities  of  stock  to  found  a  colony 
and  to  set  up  cattle  farms.  Upon  arrival  at  his  destination, 
he  agreed  to  build  forts  to  defend  his  territory  from  the 
Indians,  and  to  found  several  towns. 

Within  four  years  he  was  to  send  out  five  hundred 
colonists,  and  to  have  houses  ready  for  them  when  they 
should  arrive.  The  colonists  were  to  be  married,  if  it  was 
possible  to  find  so  many  married  men  in  Bogota  willing  to 
risk  so  much,  and  to  adventure  with  their  families  and  wives 
into  the  wilderness. 

He  had  to  take  five  hundred  mares,  three  hundred  cows, 
four  hundred  horses,  and  a  thousand  pigs,  and  in  addition  to 
this  troop  of  animals  five  hundred  negro^  slaves. 

By  a  provision  of  the  capitulation,  he  was  specially 
debarred  from  taking  with  him  any  "  chontal  "^  Indians — 
that  is  to  say,  Indians  who  had  not  lived  amongst  the 
whites.  As  regards  Indians  who  had  been  baptized,  and 
had  received  some  little  education,  he  might  take  as  many 
as  he  chose. 

Animals  must  have  multiplied  extraordinarily  in  the  last 
five  and  twenty  years  in  New  Granada,  for  there  does  not 

1  At  the  last  minute  he  was  allowed  to  take  four  hundred  as  a 
minimum. 

2  Machos  y  hembras. 

3  "  Chontal  "  was  used  at  that  time  in  New  Granada  and  Central 
America,  in  the  sense  of  "  wild." 


230  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

appear  that  he  experienced  any  difficulty  in  providing  those 
lu;  was  bound  to  take. 

In  order  to  establish  good  and  fitting  government/  he 
was  to  build  mills  on  the  rivers,  where  it  was  possible,  and 
to  plant  sugar-canes.  All  this  Quesada  pledged  himself  to 
do  out  of  his  own  resources.^  He  never  was  a  man  who 
for  a  moment  allowed  money  to  stand  between  him  and 
anything  he  had  at  heart.  So  without  hesitation  he  pledged 
his  lands,  his  slaves,  haciendas,  and  everything  he  had. 
For  all  that  he  would  have  been  unable  to  equip  his  ex- 
pedition properly  had  not  Don  Francisco  Aguilar,  the  wealthy 
mineowner  of  the  Ariari  River,  come  to  his  assistance  with 
a  considerable  sum. 

All  his  old  captains  that  were  still  alive  joined  him,  and 
soldiers  flocked  into  his  camp.  In  addition  to  his  soldiers 
and  the  herdsmen  who  he  must  have  had  to  drive  and 
care  for  so  many  animals,  he  took  some  fifteen  hundred 
semi-civilized  Indians  to  serve  as  baggage-carriers.  With 
the  whole  force,  and  with  the  flocks  and  herds  he  had 
to  take,  Ouesada's  camp  must  have  resembled  an  Arab 
tribe  upon  the  march. 

In  addition  to  the  four  hundred  horses  that  he  was  under 
obligation  to  take  with  him,  counting  the  horses  of  the 
cavalry  and  the  spare  horses  taken  by  the  richer  of  his 
followers,  more  than  a  thousand  horses  started  with  him 
from  Bogota.  No  expedition  of  such  magnitude  had  ever 
been  assembled  in  the  New  Kingdom  of  Granada,  or  started 
out  under  such  favourable  auspices. 

Quesada,  although  past  his  prime^  in  years,  was  still 
active  and  vigorous.  He  had  the  confidence  of  those  he 
led  to  an  incredible  degree. 

All  knew  his  prowess  as  a  captain,  and  many  of  the 
soldiers  and  the  officers  had  served  with  him  and  knew  his 
infinite  resource,  his  power  of  suffering  hardships,  and  his 
skill  in  dealing  with  the  savage  tribes.     His  superior  educa- 

'  Para  el  buen  gobierno. 

*  Todo  a  su  costa  y  mision. 

'  He  must  have  been  between  sixty-nine  and  seventy  years  of  age. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  231 

tion,  and  the  great  personal  magnetism  he  undoubtedly 
possessed,  raised  him  to  a  height  as  a  commander  that,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  Cortes,  had  been  enjoyed  by  no 
one  Spaniard  in  the  New  World. 

When  all  was  ready  early  in  1569,  after,  we  may  suppose,  a 
solemn  ceremony  in  the  church,  according  to  the  fashion  of 
those  times,  Quesada  started  on  his  momentous  expedition, 
the  horses,  cows,  and  other  animals  having  been  driven  on 
ahead.  All  the  inhabitants  of  Bogota  turned  out,  and  some 
escorted  him  for  a  few  miles  upon  the  road. 

One  Captain  Diego  Soleto  was  Quesada's  guide,  as  he  had 
been  before  upon  an  expedition  to  the  Llanos.  On  his  advice 
they  marched  towards  the  River  Ariari,  hoping  from  there 
to  find  a  better  route  than  that  traversed  by  Hernan  Perez 
de  Quesada  so  many  years  ago. 

From  the  first  misfortune  dogged  the  steps  of  the  ex- 
pedition, for,  owing  to  the  quantity  of  animals,  they  marched 
so  slowly  that  it  took  twenty  days  to  reach  the  River 
Guejar,  where  he  encamped  to  rest.  At  that  place,  by  a 
misadventure,  his  powder  magazine  blew  up,  killing  a 
number  of  his  men  and  burning  down  his  tent.  The  loss 
of  all  the  powder  did  not  prove  so  disastrous  to  the  ex- 
pedition as  might  have  been  expected,  for  they  had  little 
fighting  other  than  skirmishes  with  the  wild  Indians,  and, 
as  was  usual  in  those  days,  the  game  they  found  was  killed 
by  the  crossbowmen,  or  by  the  mounted  soldiers  with  their 
spears.  Quesada,  nothing  daunted  by  his  first  misfortune, 
pushed  on  until  he  reached  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  the 
farthest  outpost  of  the  Spanish  power. 

Whilst  the  animals  were  being  slowly  driven  on  ahead 
towards  the  Llanos,  Quesada  determined  on  a  rest,  as  the 
expedition  already  had  suffered  a  good  deal  of  loss  through 
hardships  and  disease.  It  seems  impossible  that  there  was 
nobody  in  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos  to  inform  him  that  he 
was  going  on  a  wild-goose  chase. 

The  guide.  Captain  Soleto,  was  perhaps  the  man  who 
had  the  most  experience,  for  he  had  been  upon  the  River 
Meta.  and  must  have  known  the  nature  of  the  country,  the 


232  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

deadly  climate,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  road.  Still,  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  raised  his  voice  against  the  folly 
of  supposing  that  a  Golden  City  could  exist  in  the  great 
plains,  destined  so  soon  to  prove  the  ruin  of  the  best- 
appointed  expedition  that  had  left  Bogota. 

The  mine-owner,  Don  Francisco  Aguilar,  who  had  lived 
long,  or  long  enough  to  make  a  fortune,  on  the  Ariari  River, 
must  have  been  well  aware  that  the  great  plains  about  the 
River  Meta  were  not  fit  places  for  a  colony.  Still,  he  did 
nothing  to  dissuade  Quesada  from  rushing  on  his  fate.  So 
far  from  that,  he  seemed  quite  certain  that  the  expedition 
would  prove  successful,  for  he  advanced  considerable  sums 
towards  its  equipment  and  j&tting  out. 

Whilst  the  expedition  rested  at  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos, 
two  soldiers,  Pedro  de  Fuentes  and  Francisco  Bravo,  having 
quarrelled  on  some  point  or  other,  agreed  to  fight  the 
question  out  alone  and  without  seconds,  and  to  fight  to  the 
death.  Having  repaired  into  the  woods,  they  drew  their 
swords  and  fell  upon  each  other  most  determinedly.  At 
the  first  pass  or  two  Bravo  ran  Fuentes  through  the  arm, 
and  could  have  killed  him;  but  knowing  well  Quesada  was 
opposed  to  combats  of  the  kind,  and  fearing  punishment, 
he  ran  off  towards  the  camp,  leaving,  as  he  thought,  Fuentes 
dead  upon  the  field.  However,  Fuentes  bound  up  his 
injured  arm,  and,  having  drawn  his  dagger  with  his  left 
hand,  ran  after  Bravo,  who  did  not  look  behind  him,  thinking 
his  adversary  dead.  When  Fuentes  overtook  him,  he 
stabbed  him  rapidly  three  times  between  the  shoulders, 
and  left  him  lifeless  on  the  ground.  The  story  is  preserved 
by  Castellanos,^  who  in  his  youth  had  been  a  soldier  and  a 
conqueror,  before  he  was  a  priest.  Whether  the  old  leaven 
still  stirred  in  his  mind  or  whether  he  expressed  merely 
a  truism,  he  remarks  cavalierly,  that  "  he  who  neglects 
precautions  with  his  foes^  will  perish  at  their  hands." 
The  fact  is   obvious,    although    not   many   Anglo-Saxons 

»  "  Elegias  de  Varones  Ilustres  de  Indias,"  Juan  de  Castellanos, 
Canto  23,  p.  223.     (Madrid,  1589.) 

•  Quien  que  4  los  contraries  suyos  papa,  a  manos  suyas  muere. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  233 

care  to  admit  it  in  their  writings,  although  they  act 
upon  it. 

Quesada,  who  had  the  example  of  the  sufferings  endured 
by  the  expedition  that  his  brother  once  had  led  towards  the 
Llanos,  present  before  his  eyes,  determined  to  avoid  them,  if 
it  were  possible,  by  following  a  new  road.  Hardly  had  he 
passed  the  mountains  and  emerged  upon  the  plains,  than 
the  ill-fortune  that  had  dogged  him  from  the  first,  once  more 
attacked  him,  but  with  redoubled  force,  for  leagues  in 
front  of  them  stretched  out  an  interminable  waste  of  high, 
rough  grass,  so  high  as  to  rise  above  a  man's  head,  so 
thick  that  when  the  Indian  tribes  were  on  the  march,^  they 
used  to  put  their  strongest  men  in  front  to  break  a  way, 
and  those  who  followed  stepped  in  their  tracks,  like  moun- 
taineers opening  a  path  through  snow. 

Above  the  grass,  buzzed  countless  myriads  of  mosquitoes, 
horseflies,  and  sandflies,  and  if  the  passer-by  by  accident 
touched  the  branch  of  a  tree,  a  swarm  of  ants  or  wasps  was 
certain  to  descend  upon  him. 

All  the  winged  torments  of  the  insect  world  were  nothing 
in  comparison  to  the  green  mosquitoes,^  whose  bite  causes  a 
swelling  that  gives  intolerable  pain  and  brings  on  fever  in 
the  sufferer. 

Snakes  were  abundant  and  extremely  venomous.  Game 
was  both  scarce  and  shy,  and  the  provisions  soon  got  mouldy 
and  uneatable.  The  constant  rains  rotted  their  clothes, 
and  the  old  soldiers  who  had  suffered  all  the  horrors  of  the 
year  upon  the  Magdalena  with  Quesada,  declared  that  all 
that  they  had  then  endured  was  nothing  in  comparison  with 
their  present  sufferings. 

Exposure  to  the  sun  and  rain,  poor  food  and  want  of 

1  "  Primero  marchan  los  mocetones  fuertes  ...  la  paja  que  bro- 
tan  aquellos  Llanos  de  ordinario  excede  la  estatura  de  un  hombre": 
"  El  Orinoco  Ilustrado,"  P.  Joseph  Gumilla,  p.  189.  (Madrid, 
1741.) 

2  "  Todo  esta  multitud  de  enemigos  es  despreciable  y  se  hace 
llevadera  en  comparacion  de  unos  mosquitos  verdes  que  llaman 
de  gusanos":  "El  Orinoco  Ilustrado,"  P.  Joseph  Gumilla, 
P-  475- 


234  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

shelter,  ravaged  their  ranks  with  fever,  and  they  began  to 
die  like  bugs,  as  goes  the  Spanish  phrase.^ 

The  troops  of  animals  that  the  expedition  was  taking 
with  them  were  preyed  on  nightly  by  the  tigers;  bitten  by 
snakes;  drowned  in  the  passage  of  the  frequent  rivers;  lost 
in  the  cane-brakes;  and  rendered  desperate  by  the  attacks 
of  millions  of  flies.  They  died  off  fast,  and  a  long  trail  of 
bones  soon  marked  the  passage  of  the  doomed  expedition, 
on  its  Calvary. 

The  dreams  of  pearls  and  precious  stones,  of  cities  full  of 
golden  temples  and  mines  of  incalculable  wealth,  must  soon 
have  vanished  as  league  succeeded  league,  and  not  a  soul 
appeared,  but  a  few  naked,  wandering  Indians.  Even  the 
stimulus  of  fighting  was  not  there,  as  it  had  been  upon  the 
Magdalena,  in  the  days  of  old.  Each  night  there  were 
desertions,  for  the  unlucky  soldiers,  unable  to  bear  their 
sufferings,  straggled  away  on  the  back  trail,  only  to  die 
of  hunger  or  of  thirst  or  to  be  eaten  by  wild  beasts. 
Seeing  that  the  desertions  were  becoming  serious,  Quesada 
hung  two  soldiers  as  an  example;  but  the  misery  that 
they  were  suffering  made  his  men  careless  of  their  lives, 
and  the  desertions  always  became  more  frequent  and  more 
ominous. 

From  his  camp  on  the  River  Guaigo,  Quesada  determined 
to  send  back  to  Bogota  his  sick  and  wounded  men,  under 
Captain  Juan  Maldonado.  This  officer,  after  a  journey  of 
six  months,  and  having  suffered  countless  miseries,  arrived 
with  a  small  portion  of  the  sick,  at  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos. 
The  rest  had  perished  on  the  road. 

Only  Quesada  still  bore  up  against  the  universal  misery. 
He  still  pushed  on  towards  Manoa,^  the  supposititious 
capital  of  the  unattainable  golden  country,  that  had  stirred 
all  his  dreams. 

His  captains  died  around  him,  unable  to  resist  the  climate, 
and  the  unlucky  chronicler  of  the  expedition.  Father  Medrano, 

'  Morian  como  chinches. 

*  "  Manoa,  nombre  que  dan  los  Mapas  k  la  ciudad  principal  del 
Dorado  ":  "  El  Orinoco  Ilustrado,"  P.  Joseph  Gumilla,  p.  282. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  235 

worn  out  with  fever,  also  breathed  his  last.  His  death^  cut 
short  his  chronicle  of  the  expedition  in  which  he  had  endured 
so  many  perils  and  such  hardships;  but  luckily  Fray  Pedro 
de  Aguado,  his  companion,  carried  it  on  for  him. 

Months  dragged  on  into  years;  but  still  the  unlucky 
expedition  struggled  on,  daily  diminishing,  for  death  took 
heavy  toll  both  of  the  animals  and  men.  The  miserable 
soldiers  were  reduced  to  eating  roots  and  herbs,  the  bark  of 
trees,  and  such  wild  fruits  as  they  could  chance  upon.  Even 
Quesada  had  to  live  upon  some  herbs  he  knew  by  the  ex- 
perience of  his  old  campaigns.  He  ate  them,  flavoured  with 
a  piece  of  rock-salt^  that  he  carried  with  him.  This  after 
God,  as  the  pious  chronicler  observes,  was  the  best  help 
he  had. 

Most  likely  the  roots  and  herbs  he  ate  were  what  are 
known  as  "  guapos  "  in  the  Llanos  of  the  Rio  Meta,  a  kind 
of  ground-nut  well  known  to  the  Indians. 

At  last  even  the  long-suffering  Spanish  soldiers  had  had 
enough  of  it,  and  broke  out  into  mutiny,  demanding  to 
return.  Notwithstanding  the  straits  that  he  was  in,  his 
poverty,  the  misery  that  all  of  them  had  endured,  and  the 
hopeless  nature  of  the  quest  they  were  engaged  upon, 
Quesada's  prestige  with  his  men  was  still  so  great  that, 
when  he  spoke  to  them,  the  wretched,  but  heroic  men  at 
once  returned  to  duty,  swearing  to  follow  him  unto  the 
death.  Few  men  have  ever  been  in  a  more  desperate 
position  than  he  was,  at  that  time,  after  the  mutiny. 

Of  all  his  men,  but  forty-five  remained  alive,  with  only 
a  few  horses  and  fewer  Indians.  The  cows,  the  mares,  the 
pigs,  and  all  the  animals  were  either  dead,  or  had  been 
eaten  by  the  soldiery.  Of  the  five  and  forty  heroes  who 
remained,  Quesada  found  himself  obliged  to  allow  some 
twenty  to  return.  He  himself,  with  the  remaining  twenty- 
five,  camped  on  the  River  Guaviare,  and,  after  some  days' 

1  "  La  muerte  corto  sus  pasos,  6  sacaria  a  luz  muchas  y  muy 
buenas  cosas  ":  Fray  Simon. 

2  "  Favoreciole  Dios  primeramente  y  luego  un  pedazo  de  sal,  con 
que  comia  algunas  yerbas  que  conocia  ":  "El  Carnero  Bogotano," 
Fresle. 


236  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

r»:st,  once  more  pushed  on  into  the  wilds.  By  this  time, 
he  must  surely  have  been  well  aware  that  there  was  no 
Manoa,  with  its  glittering  towers,  no  Golden  Country,  and 
no  mines  of  precious  stones,  and,  above  all  things,  no  Indian 
kingdom  comparable  to  Mexico  or  to  Peru,  in  front  of  him. 
He  struggled  on,  it  is  supposed,  to  somewhere  near  the 
junction  of  the  Guaviare  and  the  Orinoco.  Then  most 
reluctantly  he  gave  up  the  quest,  and  returned  back  to 
Bogota  with  five  and  twenty  men,  four  Indians,  and  a  few 
worn-out,  half-starved  horses,  all  that  remained  of  the 
expedition  that  three  years  before  had  set  out  confident 
that  they  would  find  a  golden  country  and  a  city  built  of 
gold. 

Quesada  now  was  either  seventy-two  or  seventy-three 
years  old.  He  had  given  one  more  proof  of  his  indomitable 
will,  and  once  again  displayed  a  courage,  proof  against 
difficulties. 

The  expedition  cost  from  first  to  last  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  a  sum  of  which  a  large  amount  Quesada  had  himself 
furnished,  or  become  pledged  to  pay.  This  left  him  poor 
and  weighted  down  with  debt  to  the  last  day  of  his  life; 
but  all  his  sufferings,  his  misfortunes  and  his  debts,  did  but 
endear  him  to  the  inhabitants  of  Bogota. 

Though  broken  down  in  health,  poor,  and  arrived  at  an 
age  when  he  might  well  have  sought  repose,  fate  still  reserved 
for  him  a  last  and  stirring  incident  in  his  career. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

The  expedition,  although  so  unsuccessful,  did  not  kill  the 
hope  of  still  finding  out  a  way  to  the  El  Dorado,  in  spite  of 
everything  Quesada  had  undergone. 

The  citizens  of  Bogota,  although  not  blaming  him,  still 
said  he  must  have  taken  the  wrong  road.  Nothing  seems 
eradicablein  the  human  mind,  but  what  is  false.  As  to  the 
truth,  that  is  a  plant  that  withers  with  the  first  breath  of 
folly,  and  from  that  quarter  there  always  is  a  breeze. 

Of  the  great  conquerors  of  America,  Pizarro,  and  Pizarro 
only,  never  embarked  upon  a  wild-goose  expedition  such 
as  Quesada's  proved.  Cortes,  already  elderly,  suffered  the 
extremes  of  hardship  on  his  unlucky  voyage  to  California. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  lost  his  head  on  account  of  his  expedition 
to  seek  for  El  Dorado.  All  the  bravest  and  the  best  of  the 
discoverers  and  conquerors  of  those  days  seem  to  have  be- 
lieved in  its  existence,  fervently.  This,  perhaps,  was  the 
reason  why  Quesada  did  not  lose  his  popularity  after  his 
failure,  for  everybody  thought  that  he  had  failed  in  a  quite 
reasonable  attempt.  On  his  return  he  seems  to  have  lived 
quietly,  thinking,  most  likely,  that  he  would  never  more  be 
called  upon  to  mount  his  horse  and  take  the  field  again. 

The  city  he  had  conquered  now  was  growing  fast,  and 
taking  on  a  little  of  the  aspect  of  a  capital. 

When  the  first  school  was  established  in  Bogota,  Quesada 
was  delighted  to  see  this  evidence  of  progress  in  the  city 
he  had  founded,  and  to  show  his  appreciation  of  it  he  left 
his  library  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Thomas,^  as  it  was  there 
the  first  school  had  been  held. 

1  "  Por  manifestar  el  gozo  de  ver  estudios  en  la  Cabeza  del  Reyno 
que  avia  conquistado  empezo  desde  este  ano  a  celebrar  la  fiesta 
de  Santo  Tomas,  y  despues  dex6  a  este  convento  toda  su  libraria  ": 
''  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  San  Antonino  del  Nuevo  Reino  de 
Granada,"  El  P.  M.  Fray  Alonso  de  Zamora,  p.  73.    (Barcelona,  1781.) 

237 


238  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

Between  his  town  house  at  Bogota  and  his  country  house 
at  Suesca,  Quesada  must  have  passed  his  time  not  too  un- 
pleasantly. At  Suesca  he  first  seems  to  have  had  the  idea  of 
writing  a  complete  history  of  the  conquest.  It  was  there 
he  wrote  his  well-known  "  Ratos  de  Suesca,"  a  book  now 
lost/  but  from  which  it  is  supposed  many  of  the  chroniclers 
and  historians  copied,  when  it  was  still  to  be  obtained  in 
manuscript. 

No  doubt  the  erstwhile  gallant  horseman  used  to  ride  out 
to  Suesca  on  a  pacing  horse,  as  years  and  increasing  broken 
health  made  him  unequal  to  the  fatigue^  of  a  "  trot  on." 
At  Suesca  he  occupied  himself  with  the  ordinary  pursuits  of 
a  Spanish  country  gentleman  of  those  days,  filling  in  his 
leisure  hours  with  literature. 

Although  Quesada  had  lost  money,  credit,  and  his  army, 
had  failed  to  find  the  El  Dorado,  had  seen  his  *long-coveted 
title  of  marquess  vanish  into  the  air,  he  seems  not  to  have 
been  discouraged,  and  to  have  resumed  without  an  effort  his 
old  position  of  first  citizen  of  the  republic,  respected  and 
consulted  in  all  difficulties.  This  was  to  appear  in  a  marked 
degree  when  all  the  colonists  appealed  to  their  ancient  leader, 
in  his  old  age,  once  more  to  take  the  field  against  the  Indians. 
Unfortunately  no  one  of  all  the  chroniclers  has  preserved 
for  us  those  intimate  traits  of  character,  that  show  a  man 
for  what  he  is,  far  more  than  actions  done  in  the  public 
light.  No  one  has  set  down  how  he  dressed,  as  did  the  Inca 
Garcilasso,  when  he  sums  up  Pizarro's  character.  The  Inca 
tells  us  how  the  great  Pizarro  always  dressed  in  black,^ 
and  in  the  antique  style.     We  know  that  he  was  fond  of 

*  See  Appendix  II. 

^  "  Un  caballo  de  paso " — i.e.,  a  pacing  horse — is  still  much 
esteemed  in  Colombia,  Peru,  and  Brazil,  as  it  is  throughout  the  East. 
"  Troton  "  was  the  word  used  in  Quesada's  time  for  a  horse  that 
was  not  a  pacer. 

3  "  El  Marques  nunca  se  vistio  de  ordinario,  sino  un  saio  de 
pafio  negro  hasta  el  tovillo  •  •  •  y  unos  zapatos  de  venado  blancos, 
y  un  sombrero  bianco  y  su  espada  y  punal  al  Antigua":  "Co- 
men  tarios  Reales,"  El  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  lib.  iii., 
P-  150. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  239 

playing  bowls,  and  was  a  man  of  great  simplicity  of  manners 
and  affability  of  speech. 

Bemal  Diaz  del  Castillo  has  left  so  fine  and  so  complete  a 
picture  of  Cortes  (whom  he  loved,  on  this  side  idolatry) 
that  one  can  see  him  in  his  habit^  as  he  lived. 

Few  details  of  Quesada's  private  life  have  been  preserved. 
We  know  from  Castellanos  that  he  had  some  aspirations^ 
towards  poetry,  and  that  he  often  talked  with  him  about  the 
"  ancient  Spanish  metres^  so  fitting  to  our  tongue."  Whether 
these  aspirations  were  towards  active  poetry  is  doubtful; 
but  if  they  were,  Quesada  may  be  called  the  first  of  the  great 
rhyming  brood  that  has  spread  its  wings,  and  soared  so 
valiantly  on  the  Parnassus  of  Bogota. 

As  years  went  on,  Quesada,  in  his  retirement,  busied 
himself  with  all  affairs  relating  to  the  Indians,  protect- 
ing them  on  all  occasions  from  ill-treatment  by  the 
colonists. 

He  was  naturally  a  kind-hearted  man,  and  we  know 
from  the  testimony  of  Piedrahita  that  his  conscience  pricked 
him  sorely  in  the  matter  of  the  death  of  the  last  Zipa  of 
Bogota.  A  saying  of  Quesada's,  that  Piedrahita  quotes* 
but  without  telling  where  he  got  it  from,  shows  that  Quesada 
always  had  his  eye  upon  the  conduct  of  the  government 
officials  from  his  retirement. 

Speaking  of  the  Oidor  Briceno,  an  ofiicial  of  the  Real 
Audiencia,  he  says,  "  There  was  no  better  minister"*  to  make 
laws  in  favour  of  the  Indians,  nor  a  worse  man  to  execute 
them." 

Thus  did  Quesada  pass  his  life,  after  his  return  from  his 
disastrous  expedition  to  the  Llanos,  striving  to  make  amends 

1  "  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva  Espafia, "  Bernal  Diaz 
del  Castillo,  cap.  cciv.,  pp.  449-464.     (Madrid,  1796.) 

2  Tenia  infulas  de  poeta. 

3  "  Y  el  porfio  conmigo  muchas  veces  sobre  los  metres  antiguos 
Castellanos,  los  proprios  y  adaptados  a  su  lengua":  "  Elegias  de 
Varones  Ilustres  de  Indias,"  Castellanos. 

*  "  No  habia  Ministro  mejor  para  disponer  leyes  en  favor  de  los 
Indies,  ni  peor  para  ejecutarlas  " :  "  Historia  General  de  las  Con- 
quistas  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada,"  Piedrahita. 


240  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

for  Ills  one  great  crime;  perhaps  pushed  by  his  known 
humanitarian  character,  to  which  several  of  the  chroniclers 
amply  testify. 

His  early  legal  training  must  have  stood  him  in  good 
stead  when  it  was  necessary  to  explain  the  laws,  for  he  most 
certainly  was  the  most  accomplished  lawyer  that  the  colony 
contained. 

Especially  was  legal  knowledge  necessary  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  laws  of  the  Indies,  a  large  and  intricate  code, 
whose  liberal  tendency  all  the  Spanish  colonists  invariably 
endeavoured  to  evade.  The  code  laid  down  that  no  Indian 
was  to  be  enslaved  on  any  pretext.  True  it  was,  certain  of 
the  provisions  of  the  code  went  very  near  the  line;  but  the 
main  fact  remains,  to  the  credit  of  the  Spanish  kings. 
Much,  in  this  case,  depended  on  the  attitude  of  the  governors 
and  the  chief  people  of  the  colony.  If  they  enslaved  the 
Indians,  the  practice  soon  became  general  amongst  the 
colonists. 

This,  to  his  everlasting  credit,  Quesada  manfully  with- 
stood. Acosta,  the  historian  of  the  conquests,  perhaps 
the  greatest  of  the  Jesuits  who  went  to  the  New  World, 
says  of  Quesada  that  "  he  never  would  allow  an  Indian  to 
be  sold  to  slavery."^ 

Years  slipped  away,  and  it  seemed  probable  that  Quesada 
never  would  be  called  upon  again  to  save  the  colony. 

He  was  now  seventy-seven  years  of  age,  and  his  health 
was  broken,  though  his  last  fatal  malady  had  not  declared 
itself. 

It  was  not  fated  that  he  should  leave  the  scene  without 
one  more  glorious  exploit,  and  a  piece  of  service  that  showed 
how  high  he  stood  in  the  estimation  of  the  citizens  of  the 
kingdom  that  he  had  conquered  for  them. 

Either  in  1573  or  1575,  for  the  chroniclers  give  the  date 
differently,  the  warlike  tribe  of  the  Gualies  under  their 
chief  Yuldama,  a  man  of  great  ability,  conceived  the  idea 

*  "  Jamas  permiti6  que  se  vendiese  i  ningun  Indio  como  esclavo  " : 
"  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Indias,"  El  Padre  Jose  de  Acosta. 
(Sevilla,  1596.) 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  241 

of  throwing  off  the  Spanish  yoke.  Yuldama  formed  a 
confederacy  of  several  tribes,  and  began  to  attack  and  bum 
the  Spanish  settlements  about  Tocaima,  Mariquita,  and 
in  the  hot  country  near  the  Magdalena's  banks.  For  a  short 
time  it  looked  as  if  the  whole  kingdom  of  New  Granada 
would  join  in  the  revolt. 

The  Real  Audiencia  had  put  few  troops  at  its  command ; 
but  it  thought  that  with  the  authority  of  Quesada's  name 
sufficient  forces  could  be  raised  amongst  the  colonists  to 
restore  order  and  reduce  the  rebel  tribes. 

Quesada  instantly  accepted  the  commission,  and  once 
more,  in  his  old  age,  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
sufficient  force,  that  at  the  mention  of  his  name  appeared  to 
rise  out  of  the  earth. 

He  knew  his  countrymen,  and  to  enlist  their  aid  put  out  a 
proclamation  promising  to  found  a  new  town  on  the  frontiers, 
and  to  give  grants  of  land  to  all  who  followed  him  and  fought 
beneath  his  flag. 

He  himself,  broken  in  health  by  all  the  hardships  he  had 
undergone,  headed  the  expedition  on  his  horse,  although 
fatigue  obliged  him  now  and  then  to  be  carried  in  a  hammock, 
borne  by  stout  Indians.  Age  had  not  impaired  his  faculties 
for  generalship,  for  he  fell  like  a  thunderbolt  upon  the 
Indians,  burning  their  towns,  and  following  them  relentlessly 
until  they  sued  for  terms. 

Their  chief  Yuldama  fell  in  a  skirmish,  and  at  his  death 
the  confederacy  dissolved.  Once  more,  in  his  old  age, 
Quesada  entered  Bogota  in  triumph  amongst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  citizens. 

His  last  achievement  brought  him  amazing  popularity. 
All  knew  that  the  old  conquistador  had  never  spared  himself 
and  that  he  was  the  first  to  mount  his  horse  at  daybreak, 
riding  until  exhaustion  forced  him  to  his  litter,  and  dis- 
mounting last  at  night. 

In  all  the  skirmishes,  despite  the  protests  of  his  officers, 
he  was  the  first  to  charge  upon  the  foe,  wielding  his  lance, 
as  he  had  wielded  it  in  the  first  battle  of  the  conquest  in  his 
adventurous  youth. 

16 


242  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

At  the  acme  of  his  popuhirity,  and  that  at  an  age  when 
most  men  who  have  passed  so  hard  a  life  as  had  Quesada, 
have  done  with  public  services,  an  enemy  more  insidious 
in  its  approaches  than  the  most  stealthy  Indian  of  the 
Magdalcnian  everglades  stole  on  him,  and  finished  his  career. 
Leprosy — then,  as  now,  so  common  in  Colombia — forced  him 
to  retire  from  Bogota  into  a  milder  climate.  He  chose 
Tocaima,  partly  because  of  its  amenity  and  beauty;  partly 
because,  not  far  away,  there  were  some  sulphur  springs. 
These  proved  ineffectual,  so  he  retired  to  Mariquita,  where  he 
built  a  solid^  house  of  stone,  whose  ruins  are  still  visible. 

In  his  enforced  retirement  his  mind  remained  as  active 
and  as  clear  as  in  his  youth.  His  thoughts  still  ran  on 
conquests,^  and  in  especial  on  the  conquest  of  the  territories 
on  Los  Llanos  that  he  had  been  granted  by  the  king.  He 
entered  into  various  capitulations  with  several  of  his 
captains  as  regards  the  conquest  of  the  lands  between  the 
Pauto  and  the  Papamene,  that  had  proved  so  disastrous 
to  himself.  His  death  cut  all  these  projected  conquests 
short,  and  they  were  never  realized. 

The  only  letter  from  his  hand  that  is  known  to  have 
survived,  he  wrote  from  Mariquita,  just  a  year  before  he 
died.^  It  is  dated  28th  of  May,  1578,  and  is  signed  "  El 
Adelantado."  It  is  the  letter  of  a  Spanish  gentleman  of 
those  days  living  on  his  estate.  He  speaks  of  horses,  cattle, 
goats,  and  of  a  jar  of  honey^  that  he  wished  sent  to  him. 

*  "Una  casa  solida  de  piedra"  :  Dr.  Ibanez,  "  Cronicas  de 
Bogota,"  1916.  The  ruins  of  this  "  solid  stone  house  "  are  in  lonely 
surroundings,  on  the  edge  of  a  great,  stony  plain  that  stretches 
nearly  to  the  foot  of  the  Andes,  and  is  broken  here  and  there  with 
palm  woods.  Colombia,  that  has  been  so  prodigal  of  statues  to  its 
great  liberator,  Bolivar,  might  do  itself  honour  by  erecting  a  monu- 
ment on  the  ruins  of  the  house  of  the  discoverer  and  conqueror  of 
the  country. 

2  "  No  habiendose  acabado  los  brios  que  tuvO  siempre  de  con- 
quistas  ":  Fray  Simon. 

3  Mariquita  d  28  de  Mayo  de  1578.  It  is  quoted  by  Dr.  Ibanez 
in  his  excellent  "  Life  of  Quesada,"  p.  68  (Bogota,  1892).  Dr.  Ibanez 
says  that  it  was  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Don  Nicolas  Las  Casas  of 
Bogota,  who  allowed  him  to  copy  it  for  his  book. 

«  Una  mucura  de  miel. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  243 

However,  he  was  soon  to  leave  those  quiet  occupations. 
Death,  that  he  had  sought  so  often  in  the  field — for  he  had 
been  of  those  who,  like  Cortes,  "  were  the  first  in  the  fray, 
the  last  to  leave  it  " — now  sought  him  out,  and,  full  of  years 
and  honours,  still  unconquered  but  by  the  Unseen  Con- 
queror, he  breathed  his  last  at  Mariquita  on  the  15th  of 
February  of  1579,^  3.t  eighty^  years  of  age. 

Like  a  true  lawyer,  Quesada  always  put  off  making  his 
will.  He  actually  drew  it  up  on  the  day  he  died,  before 
Andres  Sanchez,  the  public  notary  of  Mariquita.  Little 
enough  of  this  world's  goods  he  had  to  leave,  for  he  died 
poor  in  all  but  the  respect  and  love  of  those  who  had  best 
cause  to  know  his  worth. 

His  will  states  that  he  was  in  debt  to  the  extent  of  sixty 
thousand  ducats.  This  was  most  probably  incurred  for  his 
disastrous  expedition  to  the  Llanos. 

One  touching  item  in  the  will  is  the  provision  of  a  small 
sum  to  sustain  a  jar  of  water  for  wayfarers  upon  the  hill 
of  Limba,  for,  as  the  will  states,  there  is  no  water  near  at 
hand,  and  because  the  place  is  hot.  Well  did  Quesada  know 
what  it  was  to  go  athirst,  for  heat  and  thirst  had  been  his 
enemies  throughout  the  three^  and  forty  years  that  he  had 
followed  arms.  This  humble  charity,  the  last  provision  of 
a  man,  before  whose  feet  the  golden  spoil  of  Tunja  had  been 

1  "  Muri6  en  la  ciudad  de  Mariquita  en  Febrero  de  1579  con  testa- 
raento  cercado  que  otorgo  el  mismo  dia,  ante  Andres  Sanchez, 
escribano  publico  de  alll":  "  Genealogia  del  Nuevo  Reino  de 
Granada,"  Juan  Flores  de  Ocariz.    (Madrid,  1674.) 

2  Some  of  the  chroniclers  make  him  eighty-one  years  of  age.  He 
was  the  longest  lived  of  the  three  great  conquerors  of  the  New  World- 
Cortes  died  at  the  age  of  sixty-two.  Pizarro,  fighting  with  his  last 
breath  against  liis  assassins,  was  nearly  seventy. 

3  Quesada's  brother,  Melchor  de  Quesada,  wrote  and  presented 
a  memorial  to  the  king,  about  the  year  1577.  In  it  he  sets  forth 
all  his  brother's  services,  and  tells  the  king  that  he  is  old  and  poor. 
He  reminds  the  king  that  for  three  and  forty  years  his  brother  had 
been  in  his  service,  and  that  his  services  had  had  but  scant  reward. 
"  Considere,  vuestra  alteza,  que  a  43  anos  continuos  que  mi  hermano 
no  ha  dejado  de  servir  en  punto."  Quesada  had  made  his  brother 
his  "  apoderado  "  in  a  document  given  at  the  Estancia  de  Rio  Seco 
near  Tocaima  in  1577. 


244  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

heaped,  until  it  towered  above  his  head,  speaks  volumes  for 
the  goodness  of  his  heart.  Few  conquerors  have  thought  of 
any  but  themselves,  and  there  are  fewer  still  who,  in  their 
last  hours,  have  remembered  travellers  athirst  upon  the  road. 
Those  who  have  passed  long  hours  upon  the  trail  in  the 
fell  tropic  sun,  can  understand  the  spirit  that  impelled 
Quesada,  on  his  last  day  of  life,  to  think  of  it,  and  many  a 
traveller^  must  have  been  grateful  to  him. 

Quesada,  like  so  many  of  the  conquistadores,  was  never 
married ;2  nor  did  he  leave,  as  did  so  many  of  them,  illegiti- 
mate descendants  by  Indian  women.  His  life  had  been  so 
full  of  adventure,  that  he  appears  to  have  had  no  time  for 
love,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have  had  even  a  passing  (known) 
attachment  to  any  woman,  Spanish  or  Indian.  So  the 
stamp  was  broken,  and  the  old  warrior,  having  lived  his 
life  alone,  died  as  a  barren  stock. 

It  often,  even  usually,  happens  when  a  great  man  dies, 
there  is  an  outburst  of  enthusiasm  from  those  who  might 
have  helped  him  in  his  life,  but  kept  their  sympathy  to  pour 
out  on  his  grave.  In  Ouesada's  case,  the  sympathy  was  not 
withheld  in  life,  for  all  respected  him,  resorted  to  him  for 
advice,  and  in  all  time  of  peril  looked  on  him  as  their  natural 
leader  in  the  field. 

His  fellow-citizens  left  him  in  poverty,  whilst  adoring 
him ;  but  it  may  well  have  been  that  the  old  general  was  not 
an  easy  man  to  help.  At  the  news  of  his  death,  all  Bogota 
was  draped  in  black.  Everyone  mourned  him  as  if  he  had 
been  their  father,  and  in  fact  he  was  the  father  and  the  soul 
of  the  New  Kingdom  of  Granada  that  he  discovered,  con- 
quered, and  gave  its  name. 

The  very  fact  of  his  great  age,  an  age  to  which  few  men 
who  have  endured  what  he  endured  ever  attain,  gave  to  the 

*  It  would  be  a  graceful  action  of  some  patriotic  Colombian  to 
erect  a  memorial  stone  on  La  Cuesta  de  Limba,  where  the  jar  once 
stood. 

'  Colonel  Acosta  says  Quesada  had  a  sister,  who  was  married 
and  left  descendants  of  the  names  Orufias  and  Berrio,  and  that  they 
are  still  represented  in  Bogota  :  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva 
Granada,"  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta,  p.  372. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  245 

people  a  sense  of  loss,  for  they  knew  well  that  with  him  passed 
the  race  of  the  conquistadores.  Even  in  his  life  he  had 
become,  as  it  were,  legendary.  The  people  knew  that  he 
was  still  alive;  living  retired  and  ill;  but  still  available  in 
times  of  national  distress  for  counsel,  and  at  the  last 
resort  for  leadership. 

Another  generation  had  arisen  both  in  the  Indies  and  in 
Spain.  Quesada's  life  stretched  back  to  the  Catholic  kings, 
the  glories  of  the  Spanish  race.  In  his  youth,  in  Granada, 
he  had  seen  the  Moors.  In  childhood  the  discovery  of  the 
Indies;  those  Indies  that  he  himself  did  so  much  to  subdue, 
must  have  been  as  a  household  word,  both  in  Granada  and 
in  Cordoba.  He  had  lived  right  through  the  glorious  reign 
of  Charles  V.,  when  Spain  attained  the  zenith  of  her  power. 
Not  bred  to  arms,  he  had  achieved  success  in  arms,  and  yet 
ail  knew  that  in  his  first  profession  of  the  law  he  was  a 
man  of  note.  If  not,  the  Adelantado  Lugo  would  not  have 
chosen  him,  when  he  set  out  from  Spain  in  the  year  1535,  as 
his  chief  magistrate.-"- 

Thus  all  combined  to  make  his  death  spectacular,  and  at 
the  same  time  render  it  a  loss  to  private  citizens,  who 
perhaps  never  beheld  him  in  their  lives. 

Quesada  was  of  middle  height,  of  a  grave  countenance,^ 
very  attentive,  and  very  courteous  to  everybody.  This 
courtesy  and  affability  was  a  common  trait  to  all  of  the 
great  conquerors  of  the  New  World.  All  three  of  them  had 
had  their  periods  of  dissipation  in  their  youth.     All  three^ 

1  Justicia  mayor. 

*  "  Fue  el  Adelantado  Quesada,  de  cuerpo  y  estatura  regulares 
de  rostro  grave,  muy  atento  y  comedido  con  todos":  "  Historia 
Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Indias,"  por  el  Padre  Jose  de  Acosta,  p.  373. 
(Sevilla,  1596.) 

3  Oi  decir  que  cuando  mozo  en  la  Isla  Espanola  fue  algo  travieso 
sobre  mujeres,"  says  Bernal  Diaz  of  Cortes  in  his  "  Historia  de  la 
Nueva  Espana,"  p.  456.  He  goes  on  to  say  in  what  is  perhaps  the 
finest  description  of  a  warrior  in  any  literature:  "  Era  buen 
ginete  y  diestro  de  todas  armas,  ansi  a  pie  como  a  caballo,  y 
sabia  muy  bien  menearlas,  y  sobre  todo,  corazon  y  animo,  que  es 
lo  que  hace  al  caso."  The  same  might  be  said  both  of  Pizarro  and 
Quesada. 


246  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

of  them,  in  middle  age,  became  grave  warriors  and  weighty 
counsellors. 

The  Spaniards  of  those  days  possibly  placed  courtesy 
as  the  first  of  all  the  virtues.  Those  who  have  lived  with 
their  descendants  in  the  Americas,  can  understand  why 
they  set  courtesy  so  high. 

Without  it,  in  Quesada's  days,  it  was  impossible  to  manage 
Spanish  soldiers,  for  the  most  illiterate  of  them  all  esteemed 
himself  a  gentleman.  Most  probably  the  soldier  was  a 
gentleman  according  to  his  lights,  and  in  his  generals,  as 
Quesada  and  Cortes,  he  saw  what  he  admired  and  would 
have  been  himself  had  God  so  willed  it.  Hence,  the  love 
Quesada's  soldiers  bore  him,  and  hence  the  reason  that  they 
never  once  rebelled  against  him. 

■  He  does  not  seem  ever  to  have  hesitated  to  execute  those 
who  he  thought  deserved  to  die,  and  never  once  was  his 
decision  challenged  by  his  men. 

His  love  of  speeches  probably  was  a  recollection  of  his 
legal  days,  and  if  his  soldiers  did  not  always  understand  his 
somewhat  high-flown  words,  they  stood  and  listened,  and,    | 
the  speech  over,  set  obediently  to  work. 

Cortes,  also  a  lawyer  in  his  early  life,  had  the  same  gift 
of  words,  and  put  it  to  the  same  use,  and  with  the  same 
effect.  Pizarro,  lacking  education,  yet  was  eloquent  in  his 
own  way,  as  when  he  drew  the  line  upon  the  sand  at  Tum- 
bez,  and  invited  those^  who  feared  no  hardships  to  cross 
over  it  and  set  out  for  Peru.  i 

It  is  impossible  for  us  to  judge  Quesada's  character  quite 
impartially.  We  read  his  actions,  and  condemn  or  praise  them 
according  to  the  standards  of  our  world.  Those  standards 
ever  shift,  are  always  altering.  Our  vices  and  our  virtues 
are  not  quite  the  vices  and  the  virtues  of  the  days  of  Prescott 
or  of  Robertson.  To-morrow  they  will  change  again,  are 
changing  as  we  write,  without  our  knowledge,  as  imperceptibly 
as  day  shades  into  night  and  night  again  gives  place  to  day. 

No  living  eye  can  mark  the  progress  of  the  hands  upon  the 
clock  of  time.     "  Eppur  si  muovano." 

*  Tliirteen  crossed  the  sandy  Rubicon. 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  247 

So,  summiRg  up  Quesada's  character,  it  appears, 
firstly,  that  he  was  an  honourable  man,  accordmg  to  his 
lights. 

Scrupulously  exact  he  was  undoubtedly  about  the  royal 
fifth,  so  careful  and  so  proud  of  his  integrity  in  this,  a 
matter  that  weighed  lightly  on  the  souls  of  almost  all  the 
conquerors,  that  he  records  it  in  his  will.^ 

His  was  an  open  nature,  quickly  moved  to  jealousy,  as 
in  the  case  of  Captain  Fonte,  but  just  as  easily  stirred 
again  to  generosity.  He  bore  no  malice,  never  sought 
revenge,  and  through  his  long  career  set  little  store  on 
wealth. 

His  views  were  large  and  liberal,  as  his  delight  at  the  first 
school  set  up  in  Bogota  so  amply  testifies. 

Well  did  he  know  the  difference  between  right  and  wrong; 
not  by  the  touchstone  of  religion  or  of  policy,  but  funda- 
mentally. That  he  failed  always  to  square  "  his  hirpling 
practice  with  his  creed,"  is  but  to  say  he  was  a  man.  Bit- 
terly, in  ashes  and  in  sackcloth  of  the  soul,  did  he  repent  his 
weakness  in  the  matter  of  the  torture  and  the  death  of  the 
last  Zipa  of  Bogota,  as  we  know  from  Herrera's^  testimony. 
To  a  man  of  Quesada's  temperament,  the  recollection  of 
the  treachery  to  the  poor  Zipa  who  had  come  to  him  for 
help,  so  trustfully,  must  have  been  like  a  poisoned  arrow 
in  his  heart. 

His  attitude  in  regard  to  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians 
shows  his  better  nature  and  his  superiority  to  almost  all 
the  conquerors,  who  sold  the  Indians,  just  as  they  would 
have  sold  a  mule,  without  a  thought  of  the  injustice  of 
the  act. 

1  The  will  is  lost,  but  may  yet  be  recovered  in  Honda,  Guaduas, 
Anolaima,  Tocaima,  or  some  other  old-world  town,  in  some  forgotten 
chest. 

2  Even  Piedrahita,  a  harsh  critic  of  Quesada's,  has  the  following: 
"  Y  quien  leyese  este  succeso,  en  elCompendio  Historial  que  escribio 
el  mismo  Adelantado  tendra  bien  que  lastimarse  del  sentimento  y 
dolor  con  que  confiesa  haber  cooperado  a  la  injusticia  con  el  fin 
de  complacer  a  su  gente."  Piedrahita  is  referring  to  a  lost  work  of 
Quesada's  that  he  consulted  and  used. 


248  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

All  vvlio  have  written  of  Quesada,  near  to  his  age, 
held  him  for  a  humane  and  generous  man.  We  who 
look  at  him,  down  the  optic  glass  of  time,  reversed,  can 
only  judge  him  by  his  deeds,  as  they  have  been  recorded 
for  us,  by  men  who  lived  in  times  so  widely  different  from 
our  own. 

For  a  brief  moment  of  almost  unappreciable  time, 
we  are  the  men,  our  writ  is  absolute  in  our  own  court 
of  piepowder.  Still,  just  ahead  of  us  (only  a  pace  or 
two  ahead),  there  lurks  an  enemy,  the  future,  that 
will  reverse  our  judgments,  blow  them  to  the  winds, 
and  not  impossibly  view  us  as  cheaply,  as  from  our 
Empyrean  we  regard  the  past.  Therefore,  in  writing  of 
Ouesada,  I  have  tried  to  dwell  upon  his  generosity,  his 
daunt  less  courage,  and  his  contempt  of  hardships,  of  perils, 
and  of  death. 

His  faults,  it  seems  to  me,  were  matters  for  his  con- 
temporaries to  pass  their  judgment  on;  for  us,  his  strange, 
adventurous  career,  his  struggles,  sufferings,  and  the 
apocalyptic  death,  that  took  him  still  revolving  conquests 
in  his  mind,  are  what  most  matter,  when  we  read  of 
him.  No  citizen  of  New  Granada  has  equalled  him, 
until  Bolivar,  who,  though  an  actual  son  of  Venezuela, 
is  of  the  very  entrails  of  Colombia,  broke  like  a  meteor  on 
the  scene. 

Quesada,  in  his  will,  left  a  request  that  he  was  to 
be  buried  in  the  parish  church  of  Mariquita.  He  rested 
there,  in  the  quiet  little  church,  till  1597.  Then,  his 
executor.  Dean,  Lope  de  Clavijo,  had  his  remains  removed 
to  Bogota. 

All  Bogota  turned  out  to  escort  to  his  last  resting-place, 
the  great  commander,  who  once  had  been  their  captain 
general. 

Clergy  and  laity,  rich,  poor,  young,  old,  joined  in  pro- 
cession to  welcome  home  the  illustrious  dead,  with  chaunting 
and  with  flags.  They  dipped  their  banners  over  the  bier 
on  which  the  body  of  the  Conquistador  was  laid.  Then, 
in  the  Chapel  of  the   Holy  Cross,  in  the  Square  of  San 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA  249 

Francisco,  beneath  the  steps  of  the  high  altar,  upon  the 
side  of  the  Epistle,^  they  lowered  the  coffin  down  into 
the  vault. 

Over  his  tomb,  with  the  brief  epitaph  he  wrote  himself, 
"  Expecto    resurrectionem    mortuorum,"    they    hung    the 
standard  of  the  conquest,  battered,  but  glorious. 
1  Al  lado  de  la  epistola. 


APPENDIX  I 

RELACION  DEL  ADELANTADO  DON  GONZALO 
XIMENES  DE  QUESADA 

SOBRE   LOS   CONQUISTADORES   Y   ENCOMENDEROS 

MEMORIA  DE  LOS  DESCUBRIDORES  Y  CONQUISTADORES 
QUE  ENTRARON  CONMIGO  A  DESCUBRIR  Y  CON- 
QUISTAR  ESTE  NUEVO  REINO  DE  GRANADA. 

Unos  son  muertos  y  estos  son  los  mas;  otros  estan  en 
Espana  que  con  lo  que  aca  libieron  se  han  ido  a  sus  tierras 
donde  viven;  otros  se  han  ido  en  tiempos  pasados  a  otras 
partes  de  Indias;  otros  que  se  quedaron  en  este  reino:  de 
ellos  son  tambien  muertos  de  treinta  anos  a  esta  parte,  de 
manera  que,  cuando  esta  relacion  se  escribe,  hay  solo  vivos 
cincuenta  y  tres,  cuyos  nombres  aqui  iran  puestos,  y  como 
van  nombrados  por  su  orden,  asi  se  ha  de  entender  que 
llevan  la  misma  orden  en  los  meritos  que  tienen  segun  lo  que 
trabajaron  y  sirvieron  en  el  descubrimiento  y  conquesta 
de  este  reino,  de  los  que  agora  hay  vivos;  y  asi  mismo  ira 
aqui  puesto  lo  que  cada  uno  tiene  y  se  le  ha  dado  en  premio 
de  sus  servicios,  y  lo  que  mas  se  requiere  para  entender  esta 
relacion  y  todo  brevisimamente,  de  manera  que,  cuando 
alguno  acudiere  a  Espana  pidiendo  gratificacion  de  sus 
servicios,  no  haya  necesidad  de  mas  que  ver  esta  relacion, 
y  ver  por  ella  si  es  de  los  primeros,  y  si  lo  fuere  ver  pro  ella 
si  esta  pagado  6  no  y  lo  que  merece. 

El  capitan  Juan  de  Cespedes  es,  de  los  que  hay  agora 
vivos,  uno  de  los  que  mas  trabajaron  y  sirvieron  en  este 
descubrimiento  y  conquista,  y  entro  conmigo  por  capitan  de 
uno  de  ocho  capitanes  que  meti  con  gente  en  este  reino,  y  el 
tiene  calidad;  tiene  tres  repartimientos  en  esta  ciudad  de 
Santa  Fe  en  que  habra  mil  y  quinientos  Indios  poco  mas 
6  menos  llamados  los  repartimientos  Ubaque,  Caquenza, 
Ubatoque,  tiene  bien  de  comer  para  en  este  reino. 

El  capitan  Antonio  de  Olalla  vive  y  tiene  de  comer  en 
esta  ciudad  de  Santa  Fe;  no  entro  por  capitan  conmigo,  pero 
fuelo  despues  y  conmigo  entro  por  alferez  de  infanteria: 
tema  ochocientos  6  mil  Indios  en  un  buen  repartimiento 

251 


252  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

llaiiiado  Bogota,  y  asi  tiene  bien  de  comer  para  en  este  reino 
y  es  liombrc  de  calidad. 

Juan  Valenciano,  aunque  no  entro  en  este  reino  por  capitan 
sino  por  caporal,  trabajo  y  sirvio  mucho  en  este  descubri- 
miento,  ha  tenido  algunos  repartimientos  que  unos  por 
pleito  y  otros  por  otra  manera  se  los  han  quitado  los  que 
ban  gobernado,  y  tambien  por  ausencias  y  peregrinaciones 
que  ha  hecho,  entre  las  cuales  ha  sido  una  la  de  Hierusalen, 
y  asi  no  tiene  repartimiento  ni  de  comer,  mereciendolo  muy 
bien,  y  tiene  alguna  calidad. 

El  capitan  Gonzalo  Suarez  es  hombre  de  calidad,  entro 
conmigo  por  capitan  en  este  reino  y  es  uno  de  los  ocho  de 
este  nombre,  vive  y  tiene  de  comer  en  la  ciudad  de  Tunja; 
tiene  tres  repartimientos  y  en  ellos  tres  mil  Indios  llamados 
los  repartimientos  Icabuco,  Tibana,  y  Guaneca;  tiene  muy 
bien  de  comer. 

El  capitan  Antonio  Cardoso  tiene  calidad,  aunque  no 
entro  por  uno  de  los  ocho  capitanes  que  entraron  conmigo, 
el  antes  de  este  descubrimiento  habia  sido  capitan  y  vive  en 
Santa  Fe;  tiene  harto  bien  de  comer  en  un  repartimiento  que 
tiene  llamado  Suba  y  Tuna  en  que  habra  nuevecientos  6  mil 
Indios. 

El  capitan  Gonzalo  Garcia  Zorro  tiene  calidad,  y  aunque 
no  entro  conmigo  por  capitan,  entro  por  alferez  de  a  caballo; 
tiene  razonablemente  de  comer  en  un  repartimiento  que 
tiene  en  la  ciudad  de  Santa  de  llamado  Fusagasuga  en  que 
habra  quinientos  Indios  poco  mas  6  menos. 

El  capitan  Heman  Vanegas,  aunque  no  entro  conmigo 
por  capitan  sino  solamente  por  hombre  de  a  caballo,  despues 
los  que  han  gobernado  lo  han  hecho  capitan  y  es  hombre  de 
calidad,  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  tiene  muy  bien  de  comer  en  un 
repartimiento  principal  que  tiene  llamado  Guatabita  en  que 
habra  dos  mil  Indios  poco  mas  6  menos. 

Juan  de  Ortega  y  Francisco  de  Figueredo  son  dos  hombres 
a  quien  con  mi  conciencia  no  me  atrevere  a  dar  ventaja  mas 
al  uno  que  al  otro  ni  a  ponello  primero  y  asi  los  pongo  por 
iguales  aunque  vaya  primero  el  uno:  Juan  de  Ortega  vive 
en  esta  ciudad  de  Santa  Fe;  es  hombre  rico  y  tiene  alguna 
calidad,  entro  por  de  a  caballo,  tiene  de  comer  en  Indios 
menos  que  medianamente,  llamase  su  repartimiento 
Cipaquira,  y  otro  mas  adentro  llamado  Pacho,  en  que  habra 
poco  mas  6  menos  trecientos  6  cuatrocientos  Indios. 

Francisco  de  Figueredo  tiene  alguna  calidad;  entro 
por  hombre  de  a  caballo;  tiene  de  comer  en  esta  ciudad  de 
Santa  Fe  donde  vive,  aunque  no  es  el  repartimiento  grande. 


APPENDIX  I  253 

sino  menos  que  mediano;  llamase  Cipacon;  tema  docientos 
6  trecientos  Indios  poco  mas  6  menos. 

El  capitan  Salguero,  que  agora  es  capitan  y  no  lo  fue 
en  el  descubrimiento  sino  hombre  de  a  caballo,  es  hombre 
que  tiene  alguna  calidad;  vive  en  Tunja  y  alii  tiene  de  comer 
medianamente,  aunque  los  Indios  son  pocos,  tiene  dos  6  tres 
pueblezuelos,  el  uno  Ura  y  los  otros  dos  no  me  acuerdo; 
parecem.e  que  habra  en  ellos  docientos  Indios  poco  mas 
6  menos. 

El  capitan  Juan  Tafur,  aunque  no  entro  conmigo  en 
este  descubrimiento  por  capitan,  sino  solamente  por  hombre 
de  a  caballo,  es  persona  de  calidad,  y  esta  muy  pobre  por  que 
no  tiene  de  comer  a  causa  que  el  repartimiento  de  Pasca  que 
tenia  se  lo  saco  por  sentencia  del  Real  Consejo  de  Indias 
Montalvo  de  Lugo,  que  despues  murio  en  Espafia. 

Gomez  de  Cifuentes  y  Domingo  de  Aguirre  son  otras 
dos  personas  a  quienes  yo  tengo  por  iguales  en  los  servicios; 
pongo  no  por  ventaja  primero  al  Cifuentes,  es  hombre  de 
mediana  calidad,  vive  en  Tunja  y  alli  tiene  de  comer  y 
razonablemente,  y  aun  mas  que  razonable,  en  un  raparti- 
miento  llamado  Paypa,  que  terna  setecientos  a  ochocientos 
Indios  poco  mas  6  menos. 

Domingo  de  Aguirre,  asi  como  en  lo  de  los  servicios  asi 
en  lo  demas  anda  apareado  con  el  pasado,  porque  en  Tunja, 
donde  vive,  tiene  otro  repartimiento  en  el  valle  de  Sogamoso 
que  tendra  los  Indios  que  el  otro  6  algunos  menos  y  asi 
mismo  tiene  razonablemente  de  comer. 

Bartolome  Camacho  vive  en  Tunja  y  alli  tiene  de  comer 
en  un  repartimiento  de  Indios  no  bueno  en  el  provecho. 

Andres  de  Molina  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  tiene  calidad  y  muy 
bien  de  comer,  asi  en  riqueza  como  en  Indios,  porque  tiene 
un  muy  buen  repartimiento  llamado  Choconta. 

Diego  Romero  vive  en  Santa  Fe  y  tiene  de  comer  bien, 
porque  tiene  dos  repartimientos,  uno,  llamado  Une,  que 
es  buena  cosa,  y  otro ;  el  primero  tema  cuatrocientos  Indios, 
y  el  segundo  ciento  cincuenta. 

Paredes  Calderon  vive  en  Tunja  y  es  hombre  que  tiene 
alguna  calidad  y  tiene  bien  de  comer,  porque  es  rico  y  el 
repartimiento  que  tiene,  llamado  Somondoco,  que  tema 
hasta  trecientos  Indios  es  de  provecho  harto. 

Juan  de  Quincoces  es  persona  de  calidad,  que  es  rico  en 
hacienda  y  en  Indios,  pues  tiene  tres  pueblos  que  aunque 
pequenos  son  de  harto  provecho;  vive  en  Tunja. 

Miguel  Sanchez  es  hombre  de  alguna  calidad  y  tiene 
en  hacienda  muy  largo  de  comer  y  en  Indios  dos  reparti- 


254  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

mientos  cl  uno  razonable  y  el  otro  muy  bueno  llamado 
Gonzaga;  vive  en  Tunja. 

Pedro  Rodriguez  de  Carrion  es  persona  que  tiene  calidad 
y  es  rico,  y  demas  desto  tiene  un  mediano  repartimiento  de 
Indios  en  Tunja,  donde  vive;  tema  trecientos  Indios  poco 
mas  6  menos. 

Diego  Montanez  es  hombre  que  tiene  alguna  calidad  y  tiene 
de  comer  muy  largamente  en  un  repartimiento  que  tema 
quinientos  Indios,  pero  de  gran  provecho  y  contratacion ; 
vive  en  Tunja  y  llamase  el  repartimiento.  .  .  . 

Francisco  de  Mestanza  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  no  tiene  de 
comer  ni  Indios  ningunos  de  repartimiento;  ha  perdido  por 
via  de  despojo  en  la  Audiencia  Real  un  repartimiento  que 
tuvo  llamado  Cajica,  que  esta  en  la  corona  real;  determinose 
contra  el  y  hallaronle  haber  hecho  en  dicho  repartimiento 
algunos  malos  tratamientos  de  Indios. 

Francisco  Gomez  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  tiene  alguna  calidad 
y  tiene  bien  de  comer  en  dos  repartimientos,  el  uno  y  el 
principal  llamado  Tibacuy  y  el  otro  Cueca,  que  habra 
en  ambos  cuatrocientos  Indios  poco  mas  a  menos,  pero 
buenos  y  de  provecho. 

Anton  Rodriguez  Cazalla  vive  en  Tunja  y  tiene  pocos 
Indios  y  asi  mal  de  comer. 

Juan  del  Olmo  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  y  tiene  mediana  calidad 
y  la  misma  mediania  tiene  en  el  repartimiento,  porque 
aunque  tiene  dos,  el  uno  llamado  Nemocon  y  Tasgata  y  el 
otro  Tivito,  en  que  en  todos  habra  cuatrocientos  Indios,  no 
son  muy  buenos  ni  tampoco  malos  en  el  provecho. 

Pero  Ruiz  Herrezuelo  vive  en  Tunja  y  tiene  mediana 
calidad  y  allende  de  ser  hombre  bien  rico,  tiene  dos  reparti- 
mientos cada  uno  bien  razonable ;  en  el  uno  habra  docientos 
Indios,  y  en  el  otro,  llamado  Panqueba,  otros  tantos. 

Alonso  Gomez  Sequillo  vive  en  Velez;  tiene  muy  mal  de 
comer  porque  tiene  muy  pocos  Indios,  aunque  han  sido 
hartos  mas  en  tiempos  pasados. 

Roa  vive  en  Tunja  y  tiene  bien  de  comer  y  el  tiene  alguna 
calidad ;  es  hombre  que  tiene  un  buen  repartimiento  llamado 
Tensa  que  terna  setecientos  Indios  poco  mas  6  menos. 

Pero  Gomez  vive  en  Pamplona;  tiene  para  en  aquel 
pueblo  bien  de  comer;  aunque  los  Indios  no  son  muchos 
tienelos  en  dos  repartimientos;  este  vendio  Indios  de  otro 
repartimiento  que  tuvo  en  Velez,  donde  primero  vivia. 

Juan  Sanchez  de  Toledo  es  medianamente  rico  en  Santa 
Fe,  donde  reside;  no  tiene  repartimiento,  porque  el  que 
tenia,  llamado  Gachancipa,  lo  vendio  y  se  deshizo  del,  con  el 


APPENDIX  I  255 

cual  dinero  y  con  el  que  el  mas  tenia  fue  a  emplear  a  Espafia 
y  volvio. 

Juan  de  Montalvo  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  tienen  alguna  calidad, 
no  tiene  Indies  de  repartimientos  porque  unos  poblezuelos 
que  tenia,  se  deshizo  de  ellos  y  los  vendio. 

Ramirez  vive  en  Tocayma,  tiene  alii  poco  de  comer  porque 
el  repartimiento  es  de  pocos  Indios  que  no  seran  ciento 
cincuenta,  pero  son  de  algun  provecho. 

Francisco  Rodriguez  vive  en  Tun]  a,  y  tiene  alguna 
calidad,  tiene  menos  que  medianamente  de  comer  porque 
tiene  un  solo  pueblo  llamado  Sora  que  terna  entre  docientos 
y  trecientos  Indios. 

Monrroy  vive  en  los  Remedies,  no  tenia  de  comer  ni 
Indios  de  repartimiento;  dioselos  agora  en  aquel  pueblo 
nuevo,  el  Presidente  de  este  reino;  creo  que  le  dio  cien  casas 
de  Indios  poco  mas  a  menos. 

Macias,  vive  en  Tunja;  tenia  mejor  de  comer  que  tiene 
agora,  porque  ha  dado  algunos  pueblos  de  los  que  tenia  en 
repartimiento  a  sus  hijas  como  a  manera  de  dote  y  en  casa- 
miento,  y  asi  agora  quedanle  pocos  Indios. 

Antonio  de  Castro  vive  en  Tunja  y  tiene  alguna  calidad, 
y  tiene  bien  de  comer  en  dos  repartimientos,  el  uno  llamado 
Tinjaca,  el  otro  Cerinza;  terna  este  poco  mas  6  menos  sete- 
cientos  Indios  y  el  otro  docientos;  compro  el  de  Cerinza 
a  otro  conquistador. 

Juan  Rodriguez  Parra  vive  en  Tunja  y  tiene  mediana 
calidad  y  muy  bien  de  comer  en  un  repartimiento  suyo 
llamado  Cliicamocha  y  Tequia  que  habra  en  ambas  partes 
mas  de  quinientos  Indios. 

Salazar  vive  en  Velez,  tiene  pocos  Indios  y  por  esta  razon 
no  tiene  bien  de  comer ;  f ueron  estos  Indios  mucho  mas  antes, 
que  despues  que  el  los  tiene. 

Antonio  Bermudez  vive  en  Santa  Fe,  tiene  mediana 
calidad  y  no  bien  de  comer  porque  teniendolo  se  deshizo  de 
ello,  y  vendio  el  repartimiento  de  Ubate  que  tenia  de  mucho 
provecho  y  el  de  Suta  y  Tausa  tambien,  en  que  en  ambos 
habria  mil  Indios,  y  gastado  el  dinero  compro  otro  de  pocos 
Indios  llamado  Chivachi ;  terna  docientos  Indios  poco  mas  6 
menos. 

Juan  Rodriguez  Gil  vive  en  Tunja  y  es  hombre  rico  de 
hacienda,  y  el  repartimiento  de  Indios  que  tiene  es  asi 
razonable,  no  se  los  Indios  que  habia  en  el. 

Castil  Blanco  vive  en  Velez;  creo  que  ya  no  tiene  Indios 
porque  los  ha  vendido. 

Juan  Alonso  tiene  Indios  en  Velez,  donde  vive;   son  pocos 


256  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

agora  y  fueron  antes  muchos  mas  que  despues  que  el  los 
tiene. 

Ledcsma  vive  en  Velez ;  creo  que  ya  no  tiene  Indios  porque 
los  ha  vendido. 

Juan  Lopez  vive  en  Tunja,  tiene  bien  de  comer  y  61 
alp^ima  calidad;  llamase  su  repartimiento  Sachica,  en  que 
habra  quinientos  Indios;  es  repartimiento  de  harto  provecho. 

Juan  Gomez  tiene  en  Santa  Fe,  donde  vive,  menos  que 
mcdianamente  de  comer,  porque  tiene  un  repartimiento  que 
le  llaman  Usme  que  tefna  trecientos  Indios  6  docientos. 

Monteagudo  vive  en  Tunja,  es  persona  rica  medianamente 
y  tiene  dos  repartimientos  bien  razonables  en  que  habra  en 
ambos  cuatrocientos  Indios  y  mas. 

Pero  Rodriguez  de  Leon  vive  en  Tunja,  tiene  bien  de 
comer  en  un  buen  repartimiento  de  Indios  de  harto  provecho. 

Pedro  Sotelo  no  tiene  Indios  ni  repartimiento  alguno; 
vendio  uno  que  se  le  dio  en  Mariquita. 

Manchado  vive  en  Tunja;  no  tiene  Indios  ningunos  y  asi 
no  tiene  de  comer;  antes  esta  pobre  y  enfermo,  llagado  y  de 
las  llagas  ciego. 

Diego  de  Torres  vive  en  Pamplona,  tiene  pocos  Indios 
porque  es  pequeno  su  repartimiento,  que  no  tiene  cien  Indios 
y  asi  tiene  muy  mal  de  comer. 

Pedro  de  Madrid  vive  en  Tunja,  tiene  muy  buen  reparti- 
miento de  Indios  y  muy  provechoso ;  tema  el  repartimiento 
seiscientos  Indios  poco  mas  a  menos. 

Juan  de  Salamanca  vive  en  Tunja,  tiene  un  pueblo  de 
repartimiento  pequeno  en  que  habra  ciento  cincuenta  Indios 
poco  mas  6  menos,  y  otro  pueblo  que  tenia,  llamado  Suta- 
tasco,  lo  vendio. 

Sin  estos  descubridores,  y  conquistadores,  y  pobladores  de 
este  reino,  hay  otros  que  fueron  segundos,  y  otros  terceros, 
y  cuartos,  y  otros  quintos,  y  sextos,  que  se  hallaron  en 
pacificaciones  de  alzamiento  de  rebeliones  de  naturales  y  que 
son  bien  antiguos,  y  que  seria  proceder  en  infinito;  y  por 
eso  no  hay  que  tratar  de  ellos — el  Mariscal  Ximenes — Vistos.^ 

1  This  curious  "  Relacion  "  was  known  to  the  historian  Munoz 
(Don  Juan  Bautista  Muiioz,  "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo  ":  Madrid, 
1793).  who  quotes  it,  without  a  date.  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta 
(p.  404,  "  Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva Granada  ":  Paris,  1848)  visited 
the  Archive  de  Indias  at  Seville  in  1845,  and  discovered  the  original, 
dated  5th  of  July.  1576,  in  a  bundle  of  papers  marked  526-591. 


APPENDIX  II 

THE  LOST  WRITINGS  OF  OUESADA 

Herrera  says  of  Quesada  that  he  was  of  keen^  intellect, 
and  no  less  apt  for  arms  than  letters.  By  a  strange  fatality, 
we  cannot  judge  his  aptitude  in  letters,  as  all  his  writings, 
except  the  list  of  the  fifty-three  conquistadores  (given  in 
Appendix  I.),  have  perished  or  are  lost. 

It  is  possible  that  they  yet  may  be  recovered,  for  it  appears 
that  some  of  them  were  in  existence  within  comparatively 
recent  days. 

It  is  known  with  certainty  that  Quesada  wrote  a  report 
of  his  expedition,  and  is  supposed  to  have  taken  it  to  Spain, 
to  present  it  personally  to  Charles  V.  Many  of  the  con- 
quistadores— Cortes,  Robledo,  Andagoya,  and  others — wrote 
similar  reports.  They  were  styled  "  Cartas  Relaciones." 
That  of  Quesada  must  have  been  presented  about  1539 
on  his  return  to  Spain.  It  has  disappeared,  whilst  reports 
of  Cortes,  Alvarado,  Andagoya,  Robledo,  and  the  rest,  have 
all  been  carefully  preserved.  Quesada's  report  may  have 
been  either  destroyed  or  hidden  through  the  agency  of  Don 
Luis  de  Lugo,  Quesada's  enemy  at  court,  and  rival  for  the 
governorship  of  Bogota.  Luis  de  Lugo  was  a  man  who 
stuck  at  nothing,  if  it  came  between  him  and  his  own  advance- 
ment. 

The  Spanish  scholar,  Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  so  well  known 
for  his  acute  and  careful  study  of  all  things  American,  found 
amongst  the  papers  of  the  cosmographer  Santa  Cruz,^  a 
curious  manuscript.  It  was  entitled,  "  Epitome  de  la 
Conquista  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada."  As  it  contains 
an  account  of  the  conquest,  with  descriptions  of  the  Indians, 
the  birds,  animals,  fishes,  and  vegetation  of  the  country,  it 
seemed  not  unlikely  that  it  was  a  report  to  the  emperor, 
of  the  conquest,  by  Quesada.  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  says 
the  manuscript  appeared  to  have  been  touched  up  a  little, 

1  "  .  .  .  de  agudo  ingenio  y  no  raenos  apto  para  las  armas  que  para 
las  letras  ":  "  Decadas,"  Herrera. 

2  AlonsodeSantaCruzwas  borninSevilleabouttheyeari5i2.  H<^ 
held  the  posts  of  Royal  Astronomer  and  Cosmographer  to  Charles  V. 

257  17 


258  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

but  only  very  slightly,  by  Santa  Cruz.  "  In  various 
passages,  Santa  Cruz  lets  the  conqueror  and  discoverer  speak 
in  the  first  person,  sometimes  in  the  singular,  only  for 
himself,  and  sometimes  in  the  plural  as  for  himself  and  his 
companions."^ 

Saldanha^  says,  in  his  essay  on  Quesada's  writings,  that 
Herrera,  the  historian  of  the  Indies,  was  much  indebted  to 
the  report  Quesada  had  composed.  According  to  a  close 
analysis  Saldanha  makes  of  Herrera's  writings,  he  deduces 
that  Herrera  took  chapter  viii.  of  the  tenth  book  of 
Decada  V.  from  the  epitome  Quesada  wrote;  also  a  good 
deal  in  Decada  VL,  Book  I.  In  Decada  VL,  Book  III., 
chapters  xiii.  and  xiv.,  and  in  Book  V.,  Decada  VI., 
Saldanha  says  Herrera  borrowed  largely  from  Quesada. 

This  may  be  so ;  but  it  is  certain  that  Captain  Don  Gonzalo 
Fernandez  de  Oviedo,  the  author  of  "La  Historia  Natural 
de  las  Indias  "  and  several  other  curious  books,  met 
Quesada,  as  he  declares  in  his  own  writings,  in  Madrid  and 
Valladolid  in  1547-8. 

He  calls  Quesada  "  hombre  honrado  de  gentil  entendi- 
miento  y  muy  habil." 

From  Quesada,  Oviedo  got  many  details  of  the  conquest  of 
New  Granada,  "  de  viva  voce,"  and  also  borrowed  "  un 
gran  cuaderno  "^  from  him.  This  he  had  in  his  possession 
for  many  days.'* 

He  says  himself  that  he  composed  his  twenty-four 
chapters  on  the  conquest  of  New  Granada  from  Quesada's 
great  unbound  manuscript.  It  is  in  these  twenty-four 
chapters,  composed  partly  from  conversations  with  Quesada, 
and  partly  from  his  manuscript,  that  the  best  and  most 
authentic  account  of  the  conquest  of  New  Granada  is  to  be 
found. 

Where,  then,  is  this  manuscript  ?  It  may  have  dis- 
appeared or  perished ;  but  it  does  not  seem  improbable  that 
it  is  identical  with  the  "Epitome"  Jimenez  de  la  Espada 
found  in  the  papers  of  the  cosmographer  Santa  Cruz. 

Quesada  also  wrote  a  book  entitled  "  Apuntamientos  y 
Noticias  sobre  la  Historia  de  Paulo  Giovio,  por  el  Licenciado 

^  "  En  varies  pasages  dej6  (Santa  Cruz)  que  hablara  en  primera 
persona  el  descubridor  y  conquistador,  ya  en  singular,  solamente 
por  si,  ya  en  plural  por  el  y  por  sus  compaiieros  ":  Jimenez  de  la 
Espada,  edicion  de  Castellanos. 

-  "  ElLicenciado  Jimenez  de  Quesada  ":E.de  Saldanha,  Cartagena 
de  Indias,  1916,  en  Casa  de  MogoUon. 

3  A  large  memorandum  book,  unbound. 

*  Por  muchos  dias. 


APPENDIX  II  259 

Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada,  Adelantado  y  Capitan  del 
Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada." 

Paulo  Giovio  was  Bishop  of  Nacera.  He  wrote  in  Latin, 
and  his  work  was  translated  into  Spanish  by  El  Licenciado 
Caspar  de  Baeza  and  printed  in  Granada  in  1566.^  It  was 
very  critical  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  policy  in  Italy. 
Quesada  was  indignant  at  its  tone,  and  "  could  not  endure 
such  insult  and  discourtesy. "^ 

So  he  determined  to  take  up  the  defence  of  his  countrymen 
and  refute  the  charges  of  Giovio  in  detail  and  with  circum- 
stance. He  began  his  book  at  the  accession  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.,  touching  on  such  subjects  as  the  Rebellion  of 
the  Communities  of  Castile,  the  Conference  of  Calais,  the 
Siege  of  Genoa,  the  Spanish  Campaigns  in  Italy  and  Hungary, 
the  Sack  of  Rome,  the  Attack  on  Tunis,  and  many  other 
matters  of  the  same  kind. 

At  the  end  of  the  prologue  Quesada  says:  "  The  faults 
of  this  book  may  perhaps  be  excused  by  the  short  time 
of  five  months  in  which  I  wrote  it,  and  by  the  rudeness  and 
barbarity  of  the  people  with  whom  I  have  conversed  during 
so  many  years. "^ 

The  book  appears  to  have  been  written  in  1568-9,  and 
was  dedicated  to  Mendez  de  Quixada,  who  was  Presidente 
del  Consejo  de  las  Indias  at  that  date. 

The  historian  Don  Juan  Bautista  Munoz^  says  he  had  the 
book  in  his  hands,  but  he  does  not  say  at  what  time  of  his 
life.  The  book  is  lost;  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  it  may 
turn  up  in  some  old  Spanish  library. 

Before  writing  this  book  Quesada  had  written  another, 
"  Anales  del  Emperador  Carlos  V."     This  work  is  also  lost. 

Lastly,  he  wrote  a  book  entitled  "  Las  Diferencias  de  la 
Guerra  de  los  Dos  Mundos."  This,  too,  has  perished,  and 
is  perhaps  as  much  to  be  regretted  as  the  loss  of  anything  he 
wrote,  except  "  El  Gran  Cuaderno  "  that  he  lent  to  Oviedo, 
for  few  men  had  greater  opportunities  of  judging  war  than 
had  Quesada  in  one  of  the  Two  Worlds. 

Quesada  also  composed  a  Book  of  Sermons  for  his  chapel. 
This,  though  it  may  seem  strange  to  people  nowadays,  was 
quite  in  the  vein  of  warriors  of  those  times.     Though  they 

1  Prescott  often  quotes  it  in  his  "  Ferdinand  and  Isabella." 

2  No  pudo  sufrir  tanto  agravio  y  descortesia. 

3  Restaba  excusar  las  faltas  de  este  libro  por  el  poco  tiempo  en 
que  lo  escribi,  que  fueron  poco  mas  de  cinco  meses  y  con  la  barbaric 
y  rudeza  de  la  gente  con  quien  converso  muchos  anos  ha. 

*  Don  Juan  Bautista  Munoz  was  official  historian  to  the  Spanish 
court.     He  was  born  in  1745  and  died  in  1799. 


26o  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 

did  not  write  sermons,  both  Cortes  and  the  Duke  of  Alba 
(he  of  the  Low  Countries)  were  deeply  religious  men. 
There  is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  Quesada  was  equally 
religious.  Indeed,  the  simple  epitaph  or  text  that  he  wrote 
for  his  own  tomb,  "  Expecto  resurrectionem  mortuorum," 
shows  him  to  have  been  a  fervent  Christian. 

The  most  important  of  his  works,  after  "  El  Gran 
Cuademo,"  was  undoubtedly  that  called  "  Los  Ratos  de 
Suesca."  About  this  book  a  great  deal  of  controversy  has 
taken  place.  Suesca  was  a  village  near  Bogota  at  which 
Quesada  had  a  country  house.  The  book  was  written  at  this 
country  house,  at  various  periods,  when  he  had  gone  there 
for  retirement  and  rest.  The  name  is  curious,  and  is  difficult 
to  render  quite  exactly  into  English,  but  it  may  be  roughly 
translated  as  "  Times  at  Suesca,"  "  Periods  at  Suesca,"  or 
"  Leisure  Hours  at  Suesca."  Perhaps  the  last  is  best. 
The  book  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  history  of  the  conquest, 
written  in  Quesada's  declining  years.  It  has  disappeared 
so  comparatively  recently  that  there  are  hopes  it  may  be 
found  again.  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  says  it  was  known  to 
have  been  preserved  in  the  National  Library  of  Bogota  up 
to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  He  gives  us  no 
authority  for  his  statement,  but  seems  to  treat  it  as  a  thing 
well  known. 

Sir  Clements  Markham,  in  his  "  Notes  for  a  History  of 
New  Granada,"^  thinks  it  may  still  exist,  as  in  a  letter  from 
Madrid,  dated  August  30th,  1878,  the  Argentine  scholar 
Don  Aurelio  Rojas  says  he  met  in  the  north  of  Spain  a 
Senor  de  Salamanca,  who  affirmed  he  possessed  an  MS. 
of  Quesada's  that  he  wished  to  publish,  but  had  not  the 
means  to  do  so.  Don  Aurelio  believed  it  to  have  been 
"  Los  Ratos  de  Suesca."  One  thing  is  certain,  that  Pied- 
rahita^  knew  the  MS.,  and  availed  himself  largely  of  it  in 
his  chronicle;  or,  if  not  of  it,  either  a  companion  book  or  a 
sketch  for  it.  He  says :  "  I  found  in  one  of  the  libraries  of  the 
Court  (Madrid)  the  '  Compendio  Historial '  of  the  conquests 
of  New  Granada,^  that  the  Adelantado  Don  Gonzalo  Jimenez 
de  Quesada  made,  wrote,  and  transmitted  to  Spain." 

It  is  known  that  "  Los  Ratos  de  Suesca  "  was  sent  to 
Spain  to  be  published,  and  that  on  the  4th  of  November, 

*  Hakluyt  Society,  London. 

^  "  Historia  de  la  Conquista  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,"  por 
Don  Lucas  Fernandez  de  Piedrahita,  Obispo  de  Santa  iNIarta. 

'  Encontre  en  una  de  las  librerias  de  la  Corte,  con  el  Compendio 
Historial  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino,  que  hizo,  escribi6  y 
reniiti6  a  Espana  el  Adelantado  Don  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada. 


APPENDIX  II  261 

1568,  permission  was  obtained  to  publish  it.  In  the  Licence 
to  Publish  occurs  the  following  passage:  "  Marshal  Gonzalo 
Jimenez  de  Quesada,  Adelantado  of  the  Kingdom  of  New 
Granada:  We  have  been  informed  that  you  have  composed 
a  book  entitled  '  Los  Ratos  de  Suesca  '  about  affairs  and 
matters  touching  the  Indies.  It  appears  to  us  that  it  will 
be  useful  and  serviceable,  and  on  it  you  have  spent  much 
time  and  labour."^ 

For  all  the  Licence,  the  work  was  never  published.  The 
MS.  has  perished,  been  mislaid,  or  lost,  and  may  perchance 
lie  hidden  upon  the  shelves  of  some  forlorn,  mouse-haunted 
library  in  Spain. 

Therefore,  as  all  his  works  are  lost,  it  is  not  possible  to 
judge  Quesada  as  an  author.  He  may  have  had  the  pen 
of  a  Cortes,  an  Alvarado,  or  of  a  Pedro  Cieza  de  Leon. 
Certainly  he  could  not  have  written  in  the  vein  of  Bemal 
Diaz  del  Castillo,  or  in  the  manner  of  the  author  of  the 
"  Camero  Bogotano."  Still,  his  books  must  have  been  of 
immense  value  on  the  early  history  of  the  conquest  of  the 
Indies.  No  wTiter  so  minute  as  was  Oviedo  could  have 
thought  so  highly  of  them  as  to  base  twenty-four  of  his  own 
chapters  on  the  history  of  the  conquest  upon  Quesada's  works, 
had  they  not  had  some  merit,  or  at  least  seemed  to  him  that 
the  matter  treated  of  was  of  the  first  importance,  to  an 
historian  such  as  he  was  himself. 

Luckily  for  him,  Quesada's  fame  is  not  impaired  by  the 
loss  of  his  writings.  It  rests  upon  a  sure  foundation.  If 
by  the  merest  chance,  in  Popayan,  in  Pasto,  in  Bogota 
itself,  in  an  old  convent  in  Tolima,  or  sun-stricken  town  in  the 
Department  of  Bolivar,  or  perchance  in  a  dusty  archive  in 
Castile,  some  of  his  writings  one  day  come  to  light,  all  we 
can  hope  is  that  his  pen  was  as  well  tempered  as  his  sword. 

There  are  said  to  be  six  portraits  of  Quesada^  extant  in 
Bogota,  and  one  in  Mexico.  Probably  none  of  them  were 
painted  in  his  lifetime. 

1  El  Mariscal  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada,  Adelantado  del 
Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,  nos  ha  sido  hecho  relacion  que  vos  habeis 
compuesto  un  libro  titulado  "  Los  Ratos  de  Suesca,"  sobre  materias 
y  cosas  tocantes  a  Indias,  el  cual  sera  nauy  util  y  provechoso,  y  en 
el,  habeis  gastado  mucho  tiempo,  y  puesto  mucho  trabajo. 

2  The  remains  of  Quesada  now  repose  in  "  El  Panteon  del  Temple 
Metropolitano,"  in  a  white  marble  tomb.  The  tomb  stands  in  a  little 
open  space.  Upon  the  south  is  his  name,  "  Jimenez  de  Quesada  "; 
to  the  west,  "  Al  Fundador  de  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  ";  to  the  north, 
"  Expecto  resurrectionem  mortuorum  ";  to  the  east,  "  El  Consejo 
Municipal  de  Bogota  1891-1892."  Quesada's  helmet  and  mail  shirt 
are  hung  up  as  monuments  in  the  Museum  in  Bogota. 


APPENDIX  III 

LIST  OF  CONQUISTADORES  OF  NEW  GRANADA, 
PRESERVED  IN  "EL  CARNERO  BOGOTANO" 
(RODRIGUEZ  FRESLE). 

CAPITANES. 

Juan  del  Junco,  soldado  de  Italia,  persona  de  gran  valor, 
nombrado  por  el  Gobemador  Don  Pedro  Fernandez 
de  Lugo  en  segundo  lugar,  si  faltase  el  general  Quesada. 

Gonzalo  Suarez  Rondon. 

Juan  de  Cespedes,  que  fue  de  los  de  a  caballo. 

Antonio  de  Prado. 

Antonio  Diaz  Cardoso  de  los  capitanes  de  Santa  Marta. 

El  Capitan  Albarracin. 

Juan  de  San  Martin,  persona  valerosa. 

Juan  Tafur,  de  los  nobles  de  Castilla,  conquistador  de  Santa 
Marta,  Nombre  de  Dios  y  Panama. 

Martin  Galiano,  poblo  la  ciudad  de  Velez. 

El  Capitan  Antonio  de  Lebrija,  persona  principal,  trajo  tres 
caballos;  no  hay  memorial  de  el. 

Lazaro  Fonte,  vino  de  Espafia  por  capitan  de  un^  navio  con 
200  hombres,  murio  en  Quito. 

Hernando  Vanegas,  de  la  nobleza  de  Cordova,  vino  per 
soldado  de  a  caballo. 

Antonio  de  Olalla,  vino  por  Alferez. 

Juan  de  Montalvo,  soldado  de  estima. 

Baltasar  Maldonado,  persona  principal  y  caballero,  fue 
alcalde  mayor  de  este  reino. 

Juan  de  Madrid,  discreto  y  valeroso  capitan. 

*  This  seems  strange. 

*  Curious  that  a  sailor  should  have  been  the  best  horseman  in 
Quesada's  army. 

262 


APPENDIX  III  263 

Juan  de  Ortega,  el  Bueno,  a  diferencia  de  otro  Ortega,  in6 
buen  Cristiano. 

Cristoval  Arias  de  Moreno,  descubridor  de  a  pie. 

Frayles. 

Juan  de  Lascames,  capellan  del  ejercito. 

Fray  Domingo,  6  Alonso,  de  las  Casas,  del  orden  de  Santo 
Domingo,  descubridor.^ 

1  The  addition  of  "  descubridor  "  to  a  friar's  name  is  unusual. 


LIST  OF  WORKS  CONSULTED 

AcosTA  (El  Coronel  Joaquin):  "  Compendio  Historico  del 
Descubrimiento  de  la  Nueva  Granada."     Paris,  1848. 

— -AcosTA  (El  Padre  Jose  de) :  "  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de 
las  Indias."     Sevilla,  1596, 
Aguado  (Fray  Pedro  de) :  "  Historia  de  Venezuela." 
•^Barcia:   "  Historiadores  Primitivos  de  Indias."     Madrid, 

1749- 
-Castellanos  (Juan  de):  "Elegias  de  Varones  Ilustres  de 
Indias."     Madrid,  1589.     Modem  edition,  1886. 

-    CiEZA  DE  Leon:  "  La  Cronica  del  Peru."     Amberes,  1554. 

Ercilla  (Don  Alonso) :  "  La  Araucana." 

Fresle  (Juan  Rodriguez) :  "  El  Camero  Bogotano."  Bogota, 
1859  (edited  by  Don  Felipe  Perez). 

"^Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Inca):  "  Comentarios  Reales." 
Madrid,  1600. 

GdMARA  (Fray  Francisco  Lopez):  "  Historia  de  las  Indias  y 
Cronica  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia."  (In  Barcia's  Collection.) 
Madrid,  1749. 

GuMiLLA  (El  Padre  Joseph  de) :  "  El  Orinoco  Ilustrado." 
Madrid,  1741. 

Herrera  (Antonio  de) :  "  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de 
los  Castellanos  en  las  Islas  y  Tierra  Firme  del  Mar 
Oceano  "  (cinco  tomos  y  ocho  decadas),     Madrid,  1729. 

Ibanez  (Doctor  Don  Pedro  M.) :  "  Vida  de  Quesada." 
Bogota,  1892. 

Jimenez  de  la  Espada:  "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo." 
Sevilla,  1890. 

Markham  (Sir  Clements) :  "  Notes  for  a  History  of  New 
Granada."     London,  1912. 

Martir  (Petrus  ab  Angleria) :  "  De  Jnsulis,  nuper  inventis." 
Sevilla,  1511. 

264 


\ 


LIST  OF  WORKS  CONSULTED  265 

Milligan:   "Adventures  of  an  Orchid-Hunter."      Cassell 

and  Co.,  London,  1891. 
MuNOz    (Juan  Bautista) :   "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo." 

Madrid. 
OcARiz  (Juan  Flores  de) :  "  Genealogias  del  Nuevo  Reino  de 

Granada."     Madrid,  1674. 
'OviEDO  (El  Capitan  Don  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de) :  "  Historia 

Natural  de  las  Indias."     Salamanca,  1547. 
PiEDRAHiTA  (Doctor  Don  Lucas  Fernandez,  Chantre  de  la 

Iglesia  metropolitano  de  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  calificador 

del   Santo    Oficio,    obispo    electo    de    Santa    Marta) : 

"  Historia  General  de  las  Conquistas  del  Nuevo  Reino 

de  Granada."     Madrid,  1688. 
Ramusio  (M.  Giovanni  Battista) :  "  Viaggi."     Venezia,  1565. 
Saldanha  (E.  de):  "El  Licenciado  Jimenez  de  Quesada." 

Cartagena  de  Indias,  1916. 
San    Martin    y    Lebrija    (Capitanes) :    "  Relacion."     In 

Ternaux  Com.pans,  "  Recueil  des  Documents,"  etc. 

Simon  (Fray  Pedro) :  "  Noticias  Historiales  de  las  Conquistas 
de  Tierra  Firme  en  las  Indias  Occidentales."  Cuenca, 
1627. 

Ternaux  Compans:  "  L'Essai  sur  I'Ancien  Cudinamarca  " 
and  "  Recueil  des  Documents  sur  I'Histoire  des  Posses- 
sions Espagnoles  dans  TAmerique."     Paris,  1842. 

Torres  (Simon  Perez  de  Torres) :  "  Viage  del  Mundo."  (In 
Barcia's  Colleetion.)     Madrid,  1749. 

Velasco  (Presbitero  Don  Juan  de) :  "  Historia  del  Reino  de 
Quito."     Quito,  1844. 

Xerez  (Francisco  de) :  "  Conquista  del  Peru."  Salamanca, 
1547- 

Z  AMOR  A  (Padre  Fray  Alonso  de) :  "  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de 
San  Antonino  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada."  Barce- 
lona, 1701. 

Zarate  (Agustin  de) :  "  Historia  del  Descubrimiento  y 
Conquista  del  Peru."     Sevilla,  1627. 


INDEX 


AcosTA,  Colonel,  cited,  9,  91  n.,  146, 
158;  quoted,  11,  97  n.,  105  n.  2, 
113,  120 

Agateas,  the,  92 

Aguado  :  "  History  of  Venezuela," 
quoted,  21,  22,  227 

Aguilar,  Don  Francisco,  229,  232 

Alba,  Duke  of,   197 

Alfinger,  General,  69,   175 

Almagro,  5,  73 

Alonso,  61,  63 

Alvarado,   Captain,    191 

Amazon  plains,  227 

A^rapudia,  Captain,  167 

Ant-bear,  attack  by,  47,  48 

Antioquia  gold-mines,  31 

Ants,  124 

Ariari   River,   229 

Armendariz,  Licenciado,  189 

Armour,  quilted,  21,  204 

Asses,  13,  14 

Atalhualpa  of  Peru,  135 

Bachue,  94 

Baeza,  3  and  n.  2 

Balboa,  4,  5 

"  Baquianos,"  10,  23,  39,  76 

Barranca  Bermeja,  51 

Bergantines,  15  and  n. 

Bezos,  Don  Antonio,  10 

Bija,  90 

Bloodhounds,   118 

Bochica,  95,  96 

Boganipe  temple,   126 

Bogota,  Zipa  of,  great  Chibcha 
Chief,  79,  83  ;  treasure  of,  91,  114  ; 
policy  of,  92,  93 ;  attitude  to 
Quesada,  no,  in  ;  alliance  with 
chief  of  Chia,  in;  the  dream 
story,  114,   144;  death  of,  145 

Bogota  City,  site  of,  79,  92,  140; 
founding  of,  156-7;  cathedral  of, 
157,  159;  consecrated,  181;  plan- 
ning of,  181  ;  reported  richness 
of,  185;  growth  of,  211,  217,  219, 
237 ;  the  Real  Audiencia  seal  re- 
ceived, 212 ;  Sabana  de  Bogota, 
89;  156 


267 


Bojaca,  149 

Bolivar,        7 ;       contrasted        with 

Quesada,  248 
Bonda,  n,  12 
"  Bongos,"  40 
Bonza,   139 
Borrachera,    120 
Briceno,  the  Oidor,  192 

Cabrera,  Captain  Juan,   170 

Cajica,  90 

Camacho,  B.,  55 

Carare  River,   59,   205 

Cardoso,  Captain,  11,  19,  28,  29, 
181 

Casanare  River,  92,  228 ;  Llanos  of, 
124,   176-7 

"  Castellano  "  (coin),  12  n.  3,  196 
n.  2 

CasteUanos  cited,  8,  10  and  n.  3, 
38,  58,  107,  136,  139,  199  n.  I 

Cauca  Valley,   143 

Cesar,  Captain,  36  n.  3 

Cesar  River,  36 

Cespedes,  Captain,  finds  entrance 
into  Chibcha,  70 ;  in  the  expedi- 
tion against  the  Ranches,  117; 
sent  to  investigate  about  Belal- 
cazar,  168,  169 ;  Regidor  of 
Bogota,  181 ;  otherwise  men- 
tioned, 8,  II,  18,  19,  20,  52,  68,  83 

"  Chagualas,"   134 

Chamorro,  Captain,  61,  62 

Charles  V.,  King  of  Spain,  his 
share  of  treasure,  143 ;  his 
tyranny,  190;  his  treatment  of 
Quesada,  197  seq.;  his  relations 
with  Alonso  de  Lugo,  196,  201  ; 
abdicates,  213;  otherwise  men- 
tioned, 87,  no,  147,  155,  171,  174, 
184 

Chia,  iio-n 

Chia,  Cacique  of,  butchery  of 
slaves  and  officers  of,  109 ;  his 
relations   with   Bogota,    in,    146, 

149 
Chibcha    (Colombia),    climate    and 
conditions    of,    25,    77,    91    n.  2; 


268  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 


size  and  importance  of,  91  ; 
marches  of,  92 

Chibcha  State,  remoteness  of,  16 ; 
entrance  into,  found,  71  ;  popula- 
tion of,  91  ;  treasure  in,  91  ;  its 
destruction,  186  n.  2;  early  his- 
tory, 93;  the  civil  power,  100; 
chieftainship,  11 1  ;  condition  of, 
on  Quesada's  arrival,  106; 
destruction  wrought  in,  by  the 
Spaniards,  97,  108 

Chibchas,  peaceful  attitude  of,  82 ; 
semi-civilized  customs  amongst, 
84-5  ;  agriculture  of,  91,  101-2;  no 
beasts  of  burden  amongst,  91  ; 
political  conditions  of,  92 ;  reli- 
gious theories  and  temples  of, 
93  seq.;  calendars  of,  97,  106; 
sacred  lakes  of,  98 ;  punishments 
awarded  amongst,  100;  marriage 
ceremonies  of,  loo-i  ;  wives' 
privileges,  loi  ;  death  ceremonies 
of,  loi  ;  monetary  system  and 
measures  of,  102 ;  fairs  of,  102  ; 
architecture  of,  103,  106 ;  clothing 
of,  103,  109 ;  feasts  and  games  of, 
103  ;  morals  of,  104  ;  feudal  system 
of,  104 ;  traditions  of,  105 

Chibchacum,  94,  95,  96 

Chicha,  95 

Children  of  the  Sun,  Spaniards 
taken  for,  82,  121 

Chimila  province,  20,  23 

Chiminigagua,  93 

Chinzapagua,   105 

Christianity,  converts  to,  61,  63, 
112,113 

Colimas,  92  '' 

Colmenares,   Captain,    168 

Colombia  (see  Chibcha) 

Columbus,  55 

Cordoba,  i,  2 

Cortes,  the  Indian  princess  story, 
69 ;  his  preaching,  82  ;  created  a 
marquess,  no;  his  cruelty,  145; 
his  sufferings,  237 ;  contrasted 
with  Quesada,  25,  38,  75,  77,  90, 
121,  130;  died  poor,  197;  men- 
tioned, 87,  129,  143,  150,  155 

Coyaima,  102 

Davila,  Pedrarius,  165 

de  Aguado,  Friar  Pedro,  quoted 
and  cited,  188  n.,  227,  22S  and  n., 
235 

de  Aguirre,  Lope,  221,  222 

de  Angulo,  Bishop  Don  Juan  Fer- 
nandez, -^3 

de  Armendariz,  Don  Miguel  Dias, 
218 

de  Arr^valo,  J.,  181 


de  Artiaga,  Don  Melchor  Perez, 
224 

de  Aspira,  Don  Jorge,  174,  175,  180 

de  Avellafieda,  Captain  J.,  228 

de  Bastidas,  R.,  6 

de  Belalcazar,  Sebastian,  at  Neiva, 
167;  relations  with  Quesada,  168 
seq. ;  in  Bogota,  180  n.  3  ;  journey 
to  Spain,  184-7;  Governor  of 
Popayan,  188;  defeated  and  made 
prisoner,  190-1  ;  victorious  at 
Xaquizaguana,  191  ;  illness  and 
death  at  Cartagena,  192;  estimate 
of,  166,  169,  193 ;  as  a  com- 
mander, 179;  otherwise  men- 
tioned, 4,  "j:^,  165 

de  Benavides,  J.  R.,  181 

del  CastiUo,  Captain  Bernal  Diaz, 
74,  107 ;  quoted,  164  n. 

de  Castro,  Vaca,  188 

de  Cordoba,  Captain  G.,  87,  197 

de  Cordova,  Don  Diego,  42 

de  Gallegos,  El  Licenciado  Juan,  23, 
29,  48,  60,  62 

de  Gomara,  F.  F.,  quoted,  171  n. 

de  Heredia,  Don  Pedro,  36  n.  3, 
192 

de  Junco,  Captain  Juan,  18,  173 

de  las  Casas,  Padre  F.  D.,  founds 
chaplaincy,  143-4;  secures  money 
for  an  oratory,  154;  estimate  of, 
155  ;  cited,  189  and  n.  ;  otherwise 
mentioned,  19,  58 

de  la  Inza,  J.,  181 

de  la  Vega,  Garcillaso,  Com- 
nientarios  quoted,  4n.,  164  n., 
221  n. 

de  Leiva,  Dr.  Don  Andres  Diaz, 
224 

de  Leon,  P.  C,  74,  107 

de  Lescano,  Padre  A.,  19,  42 

de  los  Cobos,  Don  F.,  196 

de  Lugo,  Don  Luis  Alonso,  at 
Bonda,  12  ;  his  treachery,  14,  15, 
143;  his  enmity  to  Quesada,  155, 
196;  succeeds  his  father  as 
Governor  of  Santa  Marta,  155;, 
196,  200 ;  his  journey  to  Bogota, 
203  seq.;  his  baseness,  203;  his 
wealth,  206,  210;  his  cruelty,  210; 
his  generosity,  211  ;  death  and 
estimate,  210;  La  Casa's  estimate, 
199;    Piedrahita's   estimate,    211 

de  Lugo,  Don  Pedro  Fernandez, 
made  Governor  of  Santa  Marta, 
6  seq.;  attacks  Bonda,  11 -12;  de- 
termines to  explore  the  River 
Magdalena,  15;  names  Quesada 
General  of  the  expedition,  16-17  ; 
Quesada's  relations  with,  127, 
143'    155.    179.    196-7;    death   and 


INDEX 


269 


estimate  of,  32-3 ;  his  death  first 
known  to   Quesada,    i8i,    186 
de  Madrid,  Captain  J.,  18 
de  Medrano,  P'riar  F.  A.,  227 
de  Mendoza,  Don  Pedro,  4 
de  Mendoza,  Doiia  Beatriz  Norona, 

de  Mendoza,  Dona  Maria,   196 

de   Olalla,    Ensign   A.,    18,   49,   68, 

de  OvalJ,e,  Juan,   142 

de  Oviedo :  "  Natural  History  of 
the  Indies,"  quoted,  112  and  n., 
201-2 

de  Quesada,  Francisco,  208 

de  Quesada,  Gonzalo  Jimenez — 
Career:  early  life,  1-4;  ap- 
pointed Chief  Magistrate  of  Santa 
Marta,  8 ;  leader  of  the  River 
Magdalena  expedition,  16  seq-i 
in  difficulties,  29,  31  ;  at  Tamala- 
meque,  33-5 ;  in  the  swamps  of 
the  Magdalena,  36-7 ;  crosses  the 
Rio  Cesar,  37 ;  hardships  and 
losses,  38-9 ;  at  Sampollon,  41 ;  on 
Rio  Serrano,  46  ;  deprivations  and 
desperate  situation,  47-9 ;  reaches 
La  Toro,  50 ;  faced  with  starva- 
tion, 52 ;  explores  Rio  de  Opon, 
55  seq. ;  attacked  by  fever,  66 ; 
enters  the  Chibchan  Empire,  71  ; 
reviews  his  forces,  76 ;  advances 
into  the  plains,  77 ;  encamps  in 
Chipata,  78 ;  addresses  the  troops, 
79 ;  at  San  Gregorio,  82  ;  in  the 
plain  of  Bogota,  85 ;  lays  siege 
to  Cajica,  90;  at  Chia,  110; 
marches  to  Mulqueta,  114;  offers 
terms  of  peace  to  the  Zipa,  116; 
sends  expedition  against  the 
Ranches,  117;  to  the  emerald- 
mines,  120 ;  rests  at  Turmeque, 
123 ;  goes  to  Tunja,  126 ;  attacks 
the  king's  house,  128;  pushes  on 
to  Suamos,  136-7;  returns  to 
Tunja,  138 ;  fights  at  Bonza,  139  ; 
in  the  valley  of  the  Neiva,  140 ; 
desperately  iU,  142 ;  arrives  at 
Bogota,  143;  retires  to  Bonza, 
146 ;  alliance  with  Sagipa,  147-8 ; 
rout  of  the  Ranches,  149 ;  arrests 
and  tortures  Sagipa  to  death, 
150-1  ;  remorse  for  Sagipa,  "154, 
247 ;  founds  the  city  of  Bogota, 
153  seq.;  gets  tidings  of  Belal- 
cazar  and  Federman,  172;  their 
stay  in  Bogota,  180;  embarkation 
with  them  for  Spain,  182-3;  ^* 
Cartagena,  185 ;  in  Cuba,  187 ; 
imprisonment  in  Lisbon,  194-5 ; 
reaches   Seville,   195 ;  in  Madrid, 


198 ;  fined  and  exiled,  201  ;  wan- 
derings, 201 ;  returns  to  Bogota, 
215  seq.;  relations  with  the  in- 
habitants, 220 ;  preparations  for 
war,  222 ;  receives  concessions 
from  the  king  and  prepares  ex- 
pedition in  search  of  El  Dorado, 
226  seq.  J  sufferings,  misfortunes, 
and  abandonment  and  cost  of  the 
expedition,  231  seq.;  later  years 
and  last  exploit,  239  seq.;  defeats 
Yuldama,  241 ;  ill  with  leprosy 
and  retires  to  Tocaima,  242 ; 
death  at  Mariquita,  243,  248 ;  his 
tomb  at  Bogota,  249 

Estimate  of,  20,  39,  54,  238 ; 
statement  on  his  behalf  presented 
to  Charles  V.,  198;  his  humanity, 
23,  80,  240,  243  ;  his  iron  will,  39, 
49,  162 ;  his  oratory,  42,  54,  79, 
90,  182,  246;  his  leadership  and 
popularity  with  his  followers,  72, 
86,  149,  238 ;  his  severity,  83,  234 ; 
his  courage,  88 ;  his  benevolent 
attitude  towards  the  natives,  80, 
83,  88,  136,  239,  240,  247; 
instances  to  the  contrary,  88,  127, 
^35>  136)  151J  247;  his  cruelty, 
144,  151  ;  his  ambitions,  133,  214, 
219,   226. 

Contrasted  with  Cortes  and 
Pizarro,  25,  38,  75,  90,   121,  130, 

237 

Miscellaneous :  his  helmet,  39 ; 
his  will,  155,  160,  243,  247;  his 
library,  237 ;  his  literary  taste 
and  work,  107,  201,  239;  his  pri- 
vate life,  239,  244;   quoted,   120 

de  Quesada,  Herman  P.,  sent  to 
investigate  concerning  Belalcazar, 
168;  friendly  relations  with  him, 
169  seq.;  appointed  High  Con- 
stable and  Lieutenant-General 
over  all  Bogota,  182,  207;  ban- 
ished by  Alonso  de  Lugo,  207 ; 
death  of,  208 ;  estimate  of,  140, 
150,  209  ;  otherwise  mentioned,  49, 
64,   143,   149,   151 

de  Ribera,  Captain  J.,  22 

de  Robledo,  Jorge,  188,  189 

de  Soto,  Hernando,  4 

de  Torres,  Archbishop  F.  C, 
quoted,   108,  184  n. 

de  Urbina,  Diego,  19,  42 

de  Ursua,  Pedro,  212,  221  n. 

de  Vaca,  Alvar  N.  C,  80  and  n. 

de  Velasco,  J.,  quoted,  141 

de  Velasco,  O.  V.,  19 

de  Venezuela,  Captain  P.  F.,  18, 
120,  123 

Duarte,  Juan,  66 


270  GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 


Duqucsnc,  Dr.  John  Jose  Domingo, 

107 
Duitamas,  136  and  n.  2 

Earthquakes,  cause  of,  96 

Kbate,  92 

VA  Cabo  do  la  Vela,  203 

lil  Dorado,  festival  of,  120; 
Quesada's  expedition  in  search  of, 
226-236 ;  cost  of  this,  236 ;  folly  of 
a  golden  city  not  realized,  232; 
dream  of,  vanished,  234;  search 
for,  not  considered  hopeless,  237 ; 
mentioned,  6,  99,  125,  166,  185 

Emerald-mines,   120 

Encomiendas,  206 

"  Envoy  of  the  Lord,"  105 

Esther  (Indian  girl),  163 

Facatativa,  144 

Federman,  Captain  Don  Nicolas, 
meets  Quesada,  174;  adventures 
of,  175-7;  in  Bogota,,  180-3;  jour- 
ney to  Spain  with  Quesada  and 
return  to  Venezuela,  184-7;  esti- 
mate of,  175,  178,  187 

Fleet,  the,  composition  of,  8,  17-19; 
voyage  of,  from  Santa  Marta,  27- 
8 ;  evil  fortunes  of,  29 ;  attacked 
by  Indians,  30 ;  voyage  of,  to 
Sampollon,  40;  on  Rio  Serrano, 
48 ;  sent  to  prospect,  52 ;  on  the 
Opon,  59  ;  disaster  to,  on  return 
to  Santa  Marta,  60-3 

Fonte,  Captain  Lazaro,  finds  en- 
trance into  the  Chibchan  Empire, 
70;  single  combat  with  an  Indian, 
89 ;  sentenced  to  death  by 
Quesada,  161  ;  spared  and  ban- 
ished, 162-3;  warns  Quesada  of 
Belalcazar,  172;  restored  to 
favour,  173;  Regidor  of  Bogota, 
i8i  ;  estimate  of,  161  ;  horseman- 
ship of,  116,  170;  otherwise  men- 
tioned, 8,  18,  68,  99,  144,  149 

Fortabecillas,  167 

Francisquillo,  204 

Fresle,  J.  R.  :  "  El  Carnero  Bogo- 
tano,"  cited  and  quoted,  104,  107 
n.  3,  195,  200 

Fusagasuga,  92 

Galiano.  Captain,  210 

Garcilasso,  J..  107 

George,  Seilor  Alonso,  222-t 

Gil.  R.,  77  -^ 

Girardot,  81 

Gold  (see  also  Treasure).  Spaniards' 
love  of,  5;  found  in  Tairona,  12; 
in  Indian  tombs  of  the  Zinu,  31  ; 
the  object  of  the  Magdalena  expe- 
dition, 31,  80,  122;  search  for,  in 


Venezuela,  31  ;  none  in  La  Tora, 
51;  foretold  by  I'ericon,  58;  in 
Lake  Guatavita,  99 ;  found  in 
mummies,  loi  ;  in  Muequeti,  114  ; 
at  Tunja,  135  ;  from  Suamos,  13S; 
brought  by  Indian  across  the 
Magdalena,  141-2 

Golden  City  :  see  El  Dorado 

Golden  fifth,  the,  127  and  n.  2,  143, 
160,  195,  247 

Golden  Man,  ceremony  of,  99  and 
n.  2 

Granada,  i,  2,  158 

Guaduas,   81,  82 

Guanes,  92 

"  Guapos,"  235 

Guasca,  92 

Guatavita  Lake,  98,  99,  166 

Guaviare  River,  228 

Guechas,  93,  117 

Guejar  River,  231 

Herrera,  cited  and  quoted,  146  and 
n.  4,  152,  182,  183,  199;  estimate 
of.  200 

Honda,  81,  184 

Horses,  importance  of,  19,  21,  47, 
49,  78,  118  ;  equipment  of,  21,  118  ; 
sufferings  of,  67  ;  terror  inspired 
by,  81  ;  in  the  El  Dorado  expedi- 
tion, 229-30 

Indians,  methods  of  attack  by,  56; 
inherent  rights  of,  80;  Spaniards' 
influence  on,  88 ;  loyalty  to  each 
other,  121  ;  women,  164  and  n.  3  ; 
decrease  amongst,  205 ;  "  Chon- 
tal  "  Indians,  229 

Indies,  code  of  laws  regarding,  no, 
189,  190 

Inza,  Captain,  43,  77,  78 

Iraca,  92 

Jimenez.  El  Licenciado,  i 
Juarez,  Benito,  88  n.  t 

La  Cardenosa  (Indian  girl),  125 
La  Casa  del  Sol,  temple  of,  159 
La  Gasca,   Licenciate,  63,   171   and 

n.,  iqi 
La  Pefia  Tajada,  83 
La  Tora,  50 
Labuga,  22 
Laches,  92,  159 
Las  Casas,  Apostle  to  the  Indians, 

88,  199 
Lebrija,  Captain,  18.  36,  49,  134 
Lebron,  Jeronimo.  186,  187 
Leprosy  in  Colombia,  242 
Limpias,  Pedro,  174 
Lisbon,  194 


INDEX 


271 


Lopatin,  6 

I.0S  Belzeres  (Velzeres),  174 

Luengo,  J.,  46 

Luisa  (Indian  girl),  220 

"  Macanas,"  56 

•'  Macheteros,"  24,  59,  77 

Magdalena  River,  15  seq^.,  141,  180, 

184,  204-5 
Magdalena  River  expedition,  object 

of,    87,    122    (see    also    under    de 

Quesada,  G.  J.) 
Malambo,  185 
Maldonado,  B.,  139,  181 
Maldonado,  Captain  J.,  49,  234 
Manjarres,   Captain,  8,   11,   19,  28, 

29.  31.  ZT, 

Manoa,  234 

Mariquita,  185,  242-3 

Marobare  (the  ass),  13,  14,  20,  126 

Marquess,  title  of,  no  and  n. 

Medrano,  Father,  234 

Meta  River,  92^  228 

Mexico,  Spaniards'  vandalism  in, 
97  ;  legend  in,  105  ;  lost  opportuni- 
ties in,  121 

Montana,  218 

Moorish  saddle,  the,  4  n. 

Moriscos,  2 

Moroccan  scenery,  7 

Muequeta :  see  Bogotd  City 

Mummies,  137 

Mufioz,  J.  B.,  quoted,  112  n. 

Muros,  92 

Muyscas,  84 

Navagiero,  cited,  3 

Neiva,  140-1 

Nemcatacoa,  95 

Nemequene,  93 

Nemocosa,  83,  89 

Nemtesequetaba,  92 

New  Granada,  79,  158,  226,  241 

Nunez,  Alvar,  4,  5 

Orchids,  65 
Orellana,  6 
Orinoco   River,   92,    123,    125,    227, 

228 
Opon  (Chief),  69 
Opon  River,  55,  64,  65,  205 
Opon  village,  69 

Paipa,  136 

Palacios,  48 

Panches,  relations  of,  with  the  Zipa, 
92-3,  117;  their  ferocity,  146-7; 
their  victory  at  Tocarema  and 
later  rout,  148-9 ;  subdued,  207 

Paramos,  141 

Pasca,  162 

Pasca  (Chief),  163-4 


Pedroso,  Captain,  188 

Pericon,   57,  68,   78,   112 

Peru,  Spaniards'  vandalism  in,  97 ; 
legend  in,  105  ;  lost  opportunities 
in,  121 

Peschiera,  Marquess  of,  87 

Philip,  King  of  Spain,  attitude  of, 
to  Quesada,  215,  226;  estimate  of, 
226  ;  otherwise  mentioned,  87,  no, 
134,  196,  213 

Piedrahita,  Bishop,  quoted  on  the 
Magdalena  expedition,  121 ;  on  a 
girl  prisoner,  124  n. ;  his  attitude 
to  Quesada,  195,  218  ;  his  estimate 
of  Alonso  de  Lugo,  211  ;  cited,  8, 

38,     I20 

Pizarro,  Marquess  Francisco, 
cruelty  of,  5,  145,  150;  his  preach- 
ing, 82;  created  a  marquess,  no; 
assassinated,  188  ;  contrasted  with 
Quesada,  25,  38,  77,  130,  237 ; 
mentioned,  4,  6,  'jt,,  87, 150,  166,  167 

Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  search  by,  for 
El  Dorado,  6,  100 ;  defeated  in 
Peru,  171 

Pizarro,  Don  H.,  191,  194,  195 

Poisoned  arrows,  119  and  n. 

Poncho,  the,  109 

Popon,  114 

Popoyan,  167 

Potatoes,  81,  loi 

Prescott,  cited,  5,  87 

"  Quipos,"  98 
Quito,  165,  167 

Raleigh,  Sir  W.,  6,  99,  237 
Religious  bigotry,  108 
Rellejo,  Juan,  i8i 
Repartimientos,  206 
Requesada,  P.  F.  V.,  14,  i8i 
Robertson,  cited,  5,  87 
Robledo,  191 

Rondon,  Captain,  G.  S.,  18,  173, 
206,  210 

Sacre,  79 

Sacrifices,  human,  84 

Sagipa,,Zipa  of  Bogota,  succession 
of,  146;  in  alliance  with  Quesada, 
147-9 ;  arrested  and  tortured  to 
death  by  Quesada,  150-1,  208; 
estimate  of,  147 

Saguamachica,  93 

Salgar,  Pedro,  142 

Salt,  55,  64,  86,  91,  102 

SampoUon,  38 

San  Juan  de  Guia,  12 

San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  228-231 

San  Martin,  Captain,  explores  from 
La  Tora,  54  seq^. ;  leads  expedi- 
tion   against    the    Panches,    117; 


272 


GONZALO  JIMENEZ  DE  QUESADA 


sent  to  report  on  the  Casan^re 
plains,  124;  Kegidor  of  Bogota, 
181;  estimate  of,  36,  56;  cited, 
134;  mentioned,  8,  11,  18,  39,  40, 

52,   149 

Santa  Marta,  6-9 

Sarabita  River,  81 

Serrano,  Juan,  46 

Serrano  River,  46 

Sepulveda,  Antonio,  99  n. 

Seville,  Cardinal-Archbishop  of, 
198 

Shouting,  Valley  of  the,  72  and  n.  2 

Simon,  Fray,  cited,  i,  8,  14,  33,  38, 
41.  53>  62,  67,  80,  82,  84,  III,  129, 
i32j  136.  i3^»  143.  144.  i47>  163; 
quoted  6,  101,  105  n.  3,  1240. 

Single  combats,  89,   116,  119,  232 

Sogamoso,  92,  125 

Sogamoso  River,  92  d. 

Soleto,  Captain  D.,  231 

Somondoco,    123 

Sorocota,  81 

Southern  Cross,  132 

Spain,  Kings  of,  resources  of,  171 ; 
policy  regarding  natives,  no,  240 

Spanish  characteristics :  individual- 
ism, 5;  courage,  36,  60,  124; 
cruelty,  87,  205 ;  attitude  to 
natives,  121  ;  devotion  to  their  re- 
ligion, 86,  87;  lack  of  humour, 
145  ;  tenacity  for  legal  forms,  158 

Spanish  expeditions,  motives  of,  87 

Spanish  proverbs  and  sayings,  36, 
38,  54,  61,  no,  135,  170,  183,  219, 
224,  234 

Spiders,  94 

Spiritual  needs,  provision  for,  19, 
227 

Stones,  writings  and  pictures  on,  83 

Suamos,  136,  138 

Suarez,  Captain  G.,  12,  131,  161 

Suba,   Cacique  of  Chia,   112-13 

Suesca,  139 

Suma  Paz,  177 

Sun  God,  the,  84 

Tafur,  Captain  Juan,  47 
Tairona,  12,  13 
Tamalameque,  23,  27,  35,  204 
Theocritus,  94 
Thiguyes,  100 
Tierra  Fria,  91 
Tinea  (Honda),  81 
Tocaima,  182-3,  207,  242 
Tocarema,  fight  at,  148 


Tomas,  Santo,  105,  106  n. 
Tordehumos,  vision  of,  66 
Treasure,     division    of,     143,     153; 

hidden,    91,    109,    114,    133,    136, 

1 50- 1 
Triana,  Don  Santiago  Perez,  104  n.  1 
Tropical  vegetation,  65,  148 
Tundana  (Chief),  138 
Tunja,    Quesada's    attack    on,    128 

seg. ;  hidden  treasure  from,   133; 

under      Quesada's      rule,       136; 

description  of,  182  and  n. ;  men- 
tioned, 92,  93,  140 
Tunja,   King  of,  121,   126  n.  4  seg., 

153;  death  and  estimate  of,  135 
Turmeque,   102,  123 

Ubaque,  92 

Usaque  (Cacique)  of  a  tribe,  79,  81 

and  n.  4 
Urbina,  Captain,  28 

Valdivia,  5 

Valenzuela,  Captain  P.  F.,  173 

Valle  de  la  Grita,  71  and  n.  2 

Valle  de  la  Tristeza,  143 

Valle  de  las  Turmas,  77  and  n.  2 

Valle  de  los  Alcazares  (Valley  of  the 

Palaces),  89,   103,  114,  214,  219 
VaUe  del  Alferez,  68 
Valley  of  the  Trumpets,  123 
Vanegas,  Alferez,  125,  126 
Vanegas,  Captain  H.,  207 
Vela,  Blasco  Nunez,  190 
Velez,  78-79,  182  and  n. 
Venezuela  colony,  180 
ViUalobo,  Captain,  11 

Warfare,    modern,    and   in   time  of 

Quesada,  72-3 
Water,  want  of,  23 
Weapons,  78 
Weltzers,  174 

Xaquizaguana,  battle,  191 

Yaporogos,  102 

Yuldama  (Chief),  240,  241 

Zainos,  116 

Zaque,  the  (secondary  Chief),  92 
Zipa,  the  (principal  Chief),  92-3 
Zipaquira,  salt-mines  at,  55,  84,  85  ; 

single  combat  at,  89 
Zoratama,      Indian       girl,       162-3, 

172-3 
Zorro,  Captain  G.  G.,   18,  149,  224 


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3   1158  00211    4584 


m. 


'^■\^u.^ 


